महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sāngā. Mal?" adding, "Here I sit : why does he not come?" The bard replied that he was coming soon, on which Nizam-ul-mulk used dis- respectful language towards the Maharana. When this incident came to the know- ledge of the Maharana he decided to invade Gujarāt and punish the impertinent governor of Idar. Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujarāt on being apprised of the Maharana's invasion, sent reinforcements under Asad-ul-mulk, Ghazi Khan, Shuja-ul-mulk and Saif Khan, to Nizam-ul-mulk. He appointed Qiwam-ul- mulk, governor of his capital Ahmadabad, to bear the brunt, and himself retired to Muhammadabad instead of advancing to meet the Maharana. The Maharana started with 40,000 horse and infantry and soon arrived at Vāgadh, where Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur joined him with his forces. Rao Ganga of Jodhpur with 7,000 men, and Rao Viram- deva of Merta with 5,000 Rajputs, also joined the Maharana here.² From Vāgadh ² Chaturkula Charitra, p. 25. Rao Viramdeva had married Rana Rai Mal's daughter—Sanga's sister. 79

Maharana Sāngā. the Maharana came down swiftly upon Idar. Nizam-ul-mulk (now entitled Mubariz- ul-mulk) was alarmed at the news of Sāngā's advance towards Idar, and forgetting his vaunt, fled to the safe refuge of the fort of Ahmadnagar. The Maharana arrived at Idar the day following Mubariz-ul-mulk's flight. After reinstating Rai Mal on the throne of Idar,¹ thus restoring his patri- mony to him, the Maharana started in pursuit of Mubariz-ul-mulk and laid siege to Ahmadnagar. Dunger Singh Chauhan, a notable Rajput officer of the Maharana's army² was seriously wounded in the assault. ¹ The Maharana demolished the great mosque at Idar and built a temple in its place. मेलैदल सबलकलाधर मोकळ । नांम सुणैं सुरताणा नाद ॥ ईडर थकी मजीत ऊथापे । पै इडर थपया प्रसाद ॥ (O! powerful Rana Sāngā, following the example of Mokal, thou subjugateth Sultans and listeneth to their humble voice. Thou hast demolished the mosque of Idar and built in its place a temple). ² Mehta Nainsi says that Dungersi was a great Rajput, and had remained in Vagadh (Dungarpur) for some time and that Maharana Sāngā conferred Badnor on him. He adds that his sons and nephews all lost their lives in the siege of Ahmadnagar. 80

Maharana Sāngā. His son, Kanh Singh, by an act of heroism and self-sacrifice, paralleled only by the achievement of Balloo Saktawat during Maharana Amar Singh’s attack on the fort of Ontala, then held by the Imperial garrison in Emperor Jahangir’s reign, earned undying glory as a Rajput hero. When the moment for storming the fort came, the elephants refused to force open the gates, owing to the long iron spikes upon them. In that emergency, Kanh Singh rushed to the gate, covered the spikes with his body and urged the elephant to force the gates open, himself being impaled on the spikes. This act of heroism sent a thrill of enthusiasm through the Maharana’s army, while it struck terror into the hearts of the Sultan’s garrison inside the fort. The Rajputs rushed into the fort, sword in hand, and slaughtered the garrison, Mubariz-ul-mulk again fleeing by the back door of the fort. Just as he was making his exit from the fort, the same bard as had told him in open Darbār at Idar that Sanga would soon come and drive him out of Idar, appear- ed and taunted him on his flight, and put him to shame for continually showing the white 81

Maharana Sāngā. feather before the Maharana. This stung Mubariz-ul-mulk to the quick, and he halted on the further bank of the river that flows by the fort and drew up his troops, which had been reinforced by the army sent by the Sultan from Ahmadabad, to oppose the Maharana’s advance. As soon as the Maharana came to know of it, he fell upon this army and put it to flight.¹ Mubariz- ul-mulk fled towards Ahmadabad, but fearing pursuit, he left the direct road and took a circuitous route. Asad- ul-mulk and others feeling the disgrace involved in taking such a course kept on to the ordinary route, but they were pursued and slain to the last man, their elephants and equipage falling into the hands of the ¹ A. K. Forbes’ Rasmala says: “The array of Islam was broken by the fury of Rajputs, several officers of distinction were killed; Mubariz-ul-mulk himself was severely wounded; his elephants were taken, and the whole force was driven in confusion towards Ahmadabad. Sāngā Rana now plundered the surround- ing country at his leisure : he spared the Brahmans of Wadnagar, but finding Visalnagar defended against him, he took it by assault, slaying the Muhammadan governor. Having thus revenged himself for the insult which had been offered to him, he returned, unopposed, to Chitor.”—p. 295. 82

Maharana Sāṅgā. Maharana's commanders. The Maharana took the town of Ahmadnagar and sacked¹ it and carried away captive the Mussalman inhabitants. He marched the next day to plunder Vadnagar. Arriving there, he found the town inhabited by Brahmans, who prayed for protection. Their prayers were granted and the town was left un- molested. The Maharana advanced to Visalnagar, killed the governor Hatim Khan² in an action that followed, and plundered the town. After plundering Gujarāt a little longer and finding that the Sultan dared not come to the protection of his subjects, and thinking that the braggart Nizam-ul-mulk (Mubariz-ul-mulk) had been sufficiently punished and taught a good lesson, and seeing that the Rao of Idar had been restored to his patrimony, the Maha- rana returned in triumph to Chitor. ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 269. ² Ibid. 83

CHAPTER IX. FAILURE OF SULTAN MUZAFFAR SHAH'S INVASION OF MEWAR. THE Sultan of Gujarāt left Muhammada- bad and returned to his capital after the Maharana had returned to Mewar. He was grieved to see his country devastated, and began to think of avenging its ruin. He set about preparing a large army, doubled the pay of the soldiers, and gave them a year's salary in advance. At last in Muharrum H. 927 (Pos Sud S. 1577), December A.D. 1520, the Sultan sent Malik Ayaz with an army of 100,000 cavalry, 100 elephants and a large park of artillery¹ against Mewar. Another army, consisting of 20,000 horse and 20 elephants was sent under Qiwam-ul- mulk to co-operate with Malik Ayaz. Both these armies marched to Morassa. While ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 271. 84

Maharana Sāngā. they were encamped there, the Sultan, according to the Tabqati Akbari, sent reinforcements under Taj Khan and Nizam- ul-mulk. The Sultan's army ravaged Dungarpur and advanced towards Banswara. After a skirmish between 200 horsemen under Shuja-ul-mulk and others, and some Rajputs in the hills, the Sultan's army advanced and invested the fort of Mandsaur in Malwa, then in the Maharana's possession. The governor of the fort, Asoka Mal, was killed but the fort did not fall. The Maharana left Chitor with a large army and arrived at the village of Nandsa, 12 cos (24 miles) from Mandsaur. In the mean- time, Sultan Mahmud Khilji of Malwa arived from Mandu to assist the Gujarāt forces to repay the debt he owed to Muzaffar Shah. The siege was pressed but no progress was made. The Maharana was reinforced by Medni Rai's army, and Raja Silhidi, the Tuar Chief of Raisen, joined the Maharana with ten thousand cavalry. The Mirati Sikandari says that "all the Rajas 85

Maharana Sāngā. of the country round, went to the support of the Rana. Thus on both sides enormous forces were assembled. But the enterprise of Malik Ayaz did not advance in conse- quence of the ill-feeling entertained against him by the Amirs...... .....No progress was made in the siege of the fort." It is probable that Sultan Mahmud Khilji, who had personal experience of the irresistible charge of the Rajput cavalry warned the Gujarāt generals of the impending disaster to their arms, and advised them to make peace and return home. Malik Ayaz fore- seeing the ruin of his forces in the prolongation of the struggle made peace and fell back on Khiljipur,¹ and eventually retreated to Gujarāt. ¹ The Persian historians attribute the opening of peace negotiations by Malik Ayaz to ill-feeling between him and Qiwam-ul-mulk, the additional convenient reason as usual being that the Maharana offered his submission. The Mirati Sikandari says that Malik Ayaz was commander-in-chief and was in command of the main army consisting of 100,000 cavalry and artillery, and that Qiwam-ul-mulk had only 20,000 men under him, and that the latter and Sultan Mahmud Khilji were anxious to fight. Further on it says that Mahmud Khilji dissuaded Qiwam-ul-mulk from going against the wishes of Malik Ayaz, who 80

Maharana Sāngā. The Sultan is said to have received Malik Ayaz coldly when the latter waited on him at Chapaneri. The Mirati Sikandari says that not only was the Sultan very cold to Ayaz, but that all the people of Gujarāt called him a coward.¹ Rao Bhar Mal of Idar who had succeeded Rai Mal outlived Muzaffar II as well as his sons Sikandar and Mahmud II, and was alive in A.D. 1530 when Bahadur Shah of Gujarāt wished to make peace. It is thus quite clear that there was nothing whatever to prevent Malik Ayaz from continuing the war. He, however, saw the hopelessness of gaining a victory, and foresaw how disastrous would be his retreat to Gujarāt with the valiant Rajputs pursuing him in a country infested with enemies. ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, page 275. This coldness was natural after the signal failure of the Malik in the expedition, which had been entrusted to him at his own entreaty. The statement of the Mirati Sikandari that the Sultan resolved to invade Mewar the next year but gave it up, as the Maharana sent his son with tribute and elephants, is only eyewash. The Sultan's resolution to invade Mewar the next year is inconsistent with the allegation that Malik Ayaz made peace as the Maharana offered submission. If the Maharana had agreed to pay tribute, the proper time for payment was when peace was made. Malik Ayaz would have brought it with the Maharana's son, and there was then no reason for any coldness towards the Malik, and no occasion for the people to call him a coward. 87

Maharana Sāngā. marched towards Idar.¹ He survived Bahadur Shah and died after A.D. 1543, and had the satisfaction of witnessing the beginning of the fall of the great enemy kingdom of Gujarāt. The inherent strength of the Hindus enabled them to stand a temporary occu- pation of their country. They were never completely subdued or crushed. Mr. A. K. Forbes in his Ras Mala, says : "Whatever deeds of oppression and of blood may have been enacted at the time, and however the Muhammadan rulers may have chosen to believe, or the Muhammadan historians to represent the Hindus to be a crushed, subdued people, the fact remains beyond dispute that their descendants, in spite of many a subsequent danger, still possess the soil of which it was sought to deprive them ; while little but squalid poverty and tottering ruins, represent the once proud sway of the dynasty of Shah Ahmad."² ¹ Forbes' Ras Mala, page 296. ² Forbes' Ras Mala, page 297. 88

CHAPTER X. GUJARĀT PRINCES TAKE SHELTER WITH THE MAHARANA. SULTAN Muzaffar Shah of Malwa had eight sons and two daughters. The eldest son, Sikandar Khan, was the legal heir to the throne and was liked by the Sultan, who had not much confidence in his other sons. The Sultan in his lifetime named Sikandar Khan as his successor, and gave suitable jagirs to the others. Bahadur Khan had a secret ambition to supplant his elder brother on the throne, and began to intrigue for it. He ingratiated himself into the favour of Shaikh Jiu, a Mussal- man holy man, who lived at the tomb of Saint Kutabul Kutāb, near the prince’s jagir, and who declared that the prince would some day be Sultan of Gujarāt. The pretensions of Bahadur Khan became known to the army and the nobles, and 89

Maharana Sāngā. dissensions broke out between the two princes. Bahadur Khan, fearing the power of Sikandar Khan, determined to flee for safety. In answer to Shaikh Jiu’s enquiry as to what else he desired besides the kingdom of Gujarāt, Bahadur Khan said that he was anxious to wrest the fort of Chitor from the Maharana to avenge what the Maharana had done after his conquest of Ahmadnagar, “when he slew so many Mussalmans and carried their women captive.” The Shaikh became silent, but declared, on Bahadur’s pressing for a reply, that the fall of Chitor was conditional on the Sultan’s own destruc- tion. Bahadur declared his willingness to undergo the sacrifice.¹ In V. S. 1581 (1524 A. D.) Prince Baha- dur fled from Gujarāt and took shelter with Maharana Sāngā at Chitor. He was not ashamed to ask for shelter and hospitality of the very man whose destruction he heartily desired and was secretly planning to ¹ Bayley’s Gujarāt, page 305. 90

Maharana Sāngā. accomplish. The magnanimous Maharana, like the chivalrous Rajput that he was—un- mindful of the political indiscretion of pro- tecting enemies, disregarding the wise adage افعی کشتن و بچه اش نگاه داشتن کار خردمندان نیست (to kill the snake and to nurse its young one is not the act of a wise man)—received the prince " with kindness and showed him all attention." So much kindness was shown to him that the Maha- rana's mother used to call him "son." It is related that one day a nephew of the Maharana entertained Bahadur Khan at a banquet. While nautch was going on one of the dancing girls attracted Baha- dur's attention by her singular beauty and exquisite dancing. Bahadur advanced nearer and nearer to look at her, when the host enquired if he recognised her. Bahadur Khan said "No," and asked who she was. The host replied that she was the daughter of the qazi of Ahmadnagar, that when the town was sacked, the qazi was killed and his women and daughters were carried off by the Rajputs. Bahadur Khan, on hearing this, flew into a rage 91

Maharana Sāngā. and attacked and killed the Maharana's nephew. The Rajputs surrounded Baha- dur and would have hacked him to pieces, but the Maharana's mother saved him by sending word to the Rajputs not to injure him.¹ The Maharana forgave the prince, but finding that he was disliked by the people, Bahadur left Chitor and went away towards Mewat. Sultan Muzaffar Shah died in S. 1582 (A.D. 1526),² and was succeeded by his eldest son Sikandar Khan. During the protracted illness of Muzaffar Shah, the two parties in the army, headed respec- tively by Sikandar Khan and the Sultan's third son Latif Khan, con- tended for supremacy, and on Sikandar finally ascending the throne, Latif Khan and his younger brother Chand Khan, fled for protection to the Maharana. Sikandar Khan sent one Malik Latif, on whom he conferred the title of Sharza Khan, with an army to capture them. As the ¹ Bayley's History of Gujarāt, p. 305. ² Ibid, p. 307. 92

Maharana Sāngā. two princes were in the Maharana's pro- tection the Maharana sent a sardar to drive Malik Latif out of Mewar. Latif "sustained a complete defeat." He was killed in action, while his troops lost no less than 1,700 men, the rest fleeing to Gujarāt.¹ Mewar was now at the meridian of her greatness and prosperity. The greater part of Malwa had been conquered and incorporated with Mewar. Ranthambhore, Gagrone, Kalpi, Bhilsa and Chanderi were under the sway of the Maharana. Ajmer had been taken and Abu reduced, and Sāngā's governors administered both districts. Sāngā reduced to submission the Khanzādas of Mewat. The kings of Gwalior, Amber and Marwar acknowledged his supremacy and accompanied him in his wars as vassals or allies with their contingents. Maharana Sāngā had pushed back the Sultan of Delhi and made the Peela khal, near Agra, the northern boundary of his empire. Gujarāt had been plundered and then relinquished. The ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 99. 93

Maharana Sāngā. three Sultans on the north, south and west, Sultans of Delhi, Malwa and Gujarāt, were all defeated and kept within their bounds. The song, the first two verses of which are given below, gives the popular view of the situation.¹ According to the records of Devidan, the Barwa of the Mewar royal family, the Maharana had as many as 28 queens,² by whom he had seven sons and four (१) इब्राहीम पूरब दिशा न उलटै, पछम मुदाफर न दे पयाण ॥ दखणी महमदशाह न दौड़ै, सांगो दामण चहूँ सुरताण ॥ १ ॥ (On the east (of Mewar) Ibrahim (Lodi) cannot advance: Muzaffar (of Gujarāt) cannot come towards the west: Mahmud Shah (Khilji) cannot move towards the south (of Mewar); in this way, Maharana Sāngā has bound the feet of the three Sultans, vide Maha- rana Yash Parakash, by T. Bhur Singh, page 65. ² According to Barwā Debidān's records the queens of Maharana Sāngā were:—(1) Lakhu, daughter of Hada Rao Narbad Singh. (2) Karmetan, daughter of Hada Rao Narbad Singh. (3) Brajbai, daughter of Rāthor Jodhaji. (4) Bālkanwar, daughter of Rao Bharmalji. (5) Shyamkanwar, daughter of Hada Parbat Singhji. (6) Rajkanwar, daughter of Rao Ram Singhji Kherād. (7) Paipkanwar, daughter of Hada Rudra Bhanji. (8) Padamkanwar, daughter of Deora Abhai Singhji. 94

Maharana Sāngā. daughters. The eldest son, Bhojraj, who had married the celebrated Miran Bai,¹ — daughter of Ratan Singh, younger brother of Viramdeva, Rao of Merta, died during his father's lifetime. (9) Piarkanwar, daughter of Binai Singhji Rāthor. (10) Rambākanwar, daughter of Chandji Tuar. (11) Dhankanwar, daughter of Rao Bhanji, son of Rao Siyaji. (12) Kanwarābai, daughter of Rai Malji Solanki. (13) Ghansukhdé, daughter of Chauhan Kharagsénji. (14) Sawarbai, daughter of Hada Barjangji. (15) Gawarādé daughter of Gopji Deora. (16) Karmetān, daughter of Chauhan Shiv Singhji of Vāgadh. (17) Sultandé, daughter of Solanki Rīdhmalji. (18) Ramkanwarbai, daughter of Sānklā Jodhsinghji. (19) Rajkanwar, daughter of Hāda Akhairajji. (20) Ram- kanwar, daughter of Rao Nathji Solanki. (21) Ram- kanwar, daughter of Mota Raja, Sankla. (22) Bhagwat- kanwar, daughter of Solanki Abraji. (23) Kumkum- kanwar, daughter of Hada Madho Singhji. (24) Padamkanwar, daughter of Solanki Rao Sursén. (25) Lalkanwar, daughter of Chauhan Jugmalji. (26) Rai- kanwar, daughter of Chauhan Man Singhji. (27) Karmetānbai, daughter of Rao Surji Rāthor of Chavad. (28) Lādkanwarbai, daughter of Rao Bhan of Idar. Maharana Sāngā's sons were:—(1) Bhojraj, (2) Karan Singh, (3) Ratan Singh, (4) Parvat Singh, (5) Krishnadas, (6) Vikramaditya, (7) Udai Singh. ¹ Col. Tod has stated Miran Bai to be the queen of Kumbha. This is an error. Kumbha was killed in S. 1524 (A.D. 1467), while Miran's grandfathar, Duda, became Raja of Merta after that year. Miran's father, Ratan Singh, was killed in the battle of Khanua 59 years after Kumbha's death, and her cousin Jaimal at Chitor during Akbar's attack, 99 years after Kumbha's death. Miran Bai was married to Prince Bhojraj in S. 1573 — 95

Maharana Sāngā. Sāngā's second son Ratan Singh, by Queen Dhankanwar, daughter of Prince Bagha, eldest son of Rao Suja of Mewar, was now the heir-apparent. Amongst Sāngā's queens were two daughters of Bhanda's son Narbad Hādā, Raja of Bundi. By the second of these, Karmetan, Sāngā had two sons, Vicramaditya and Udai Singh. Karmetan enjoyed the confidence and affec- tion of Sāngā in a special degree. Solicitous of her sons' welfare, she begged the Maharana to make provision for them, and suggested that the fort and pargannah of Rantham- bhore night be given to them as jagir. The Maharana granted the request. The Hadi queen, knowing well that without proper support, the boys would not be able to keep that stronghold, requested that Hada Suraj Mal, her brother, who was one of the bravest and most important chiefs at the time, might be appointed their guardian to protect them and their estate. The Maharana announced (A.D. 1516). Miran Bai was born about S. 1555 (A.D. 1498) and died in S. 1603 (A.D. 1546) at Dwarka (Kathiawar), at which holy place she had been residing for several years. Vide Chaturkula Charitra (History of the Rāthor family of Merta) and Vir Vinod. 98

Maharana Sāngā. the grant in open Darbar the next day, and asked Suraj Mal to accept the responsible position. Suraj Mal said that he was a vassal of the empire, and his fidelity to the throne forbade his committing himself to a course of conduct inconsistent with his loyalty to the throne of Chitor. The matter was then referred to the heir- apparent to the throne, Prince Ratan Singh. He, out of deference to the wishes of his father Maharana Sāngā, gave his consent to the proposal, on which Suraj Mal took the hands of both the young princes in his own, as well as the patta of Ranthambhore, in token of his acceptance of the responsible position assigned to him. This impolitic proceeding on the part of Queen Karmetan sowed dissension among the nobility of Mewar, and was, as later events proved, one of the causes of the fall of Chitor. This is one of the many instances which abound in Indian history to prove the fatal consequences of polygamy in the royal houses of the Hindus. 97

CHAPTER XI. BĀBUR. WHILE the Pathan power in India was tottering to its fall, there appeared in Kabul a man of extraordinary ability and character, who was destined to found one of the greatest kingdoms of medieval times. That man was Zahiruddin Muhammad Bābur. Bābur was born in the purple and belonged to a family which had long ruled in Central Asia. The Chaghtai Turks,¹ up to Amir Taraghyan, were Buddhists in faith. Taraghyan was the first to embrace Islam. He was the father of the celebrated Timur, or Tamerlane, who was born of Nagina Khatun on 25 Shaban H. 736 (10th April A.D. 1336), at Sabz or Kesh, ¹ Colonel Tod thinks that there are grounds to assert that the Chaghtai Turks were a branch of the Yadava Rajput tribe to which the Jaisalmer family belongs. 98