महाराणा कुम्भा (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य के अद्वितीय विजेता, निर्माता व विद्वान्)

Maharana Kumbha. The Khumbhalgarh Inscription of A.D. 1460, verse 198, and the Eklingji ¹ Temple Inscription of A.D. 1488, sl. 131, both say that Khshetra Singh invaded the land of the Harās, broke and reduced to submission the fortress of Mandalgarh, which according to the Shringirishi Inscription of A.D. 1428, even Allauddin Khilji was unable to touch. Khshetra Singh attacked and defeated the Sultans of Malwa and Gujrat. He defeated Dilawar Khan Ghori, the first Sultan of Malwa in a battle fought at Bakrole ² and destroyed his army. Amin Shah ³ was the original name of Sultan Dilawar Khan Ghori of Malwa, vide. Rizaqulla Mushtaqi's Wakiat Mushtaqi ⁴ and Roger's Tuzaki Jahangiri ⁵ Dilawar Khan's son's name before he succeeded his father as Sultan of Malwa under the title of Hoshang, was Alpkhan. ¹ Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 119. ² Bakrole was given by Rana Ari Singh as Jagir to Dhiraj Singh, who named the place Hammirgarh, after Rana Ari Singh's successor, Hammir Singh. ³ Some historians have been misled by Amin Shah having become Humayun Shah in some manuscripts. This explains Colonel Tod's statement that the Maharana defeated Emperor Humayun at Bakrole. ⁴ Elliot's History of India, Vol., IV, p. 552. ⁵ Vol. I, p. 407. 5

Maharana Kumbha. The Kumbhalgarh Inscription of A.D. 1460, verse 200, says that the "Mussalman king of Malwa received such a chastisement from Rana Khshetra Singh that he constantly sees him in his dreams." "The Rana captured Amin Shah as a serpent captures a toad," v. 202. The Eklingji Temple Inscription,¹ v. 119, of A.D. 1488, says : "He who burnt down the poison of the pride of the great serpent Amin Shah, was the great Rana Khshetra Singh of Chitor." The Shringirishi Inscription of 1428 A.D. (unpublished) verse 6, says that Khshetra Singh "by the strength of his sword defeated Amin Shah² and killed all the Muslims (of his army) and captured his treasure and countless horses and brought them to Chitor." The Eklinga Mahatamya, Sloka 156, and Kumbha's Kirtisthambha Inscription of 1460 A.D. also mention this fact. ¹ Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 119. ² A couplet in a popular Rupak says :— एतलो कटक अमीशाह को, खेतल भंजै खङ्गवल । अइवेग चलन्तो दीठ में, रहस तरोवर एक तल ॥ —Naiṅsi's khyat, p. 22. 6

Maharana Kumbha. The Chitor Kiritisthambha Inscription, verse 23, of A.D. 1460, says that Khshetra Singh conquered Idar and imprisoned its valorous ruler Raja Ran Mal, who had com- pletely defeated Zafar Khan, the first indepen- dent Sultan of Gujrat.¹ The Kumbhalgarh Inscription, verse 196, says "Raja Ran Mal had broken the power of Zafar Khan, who had imprisoned many Rajas. That Ran Mal (Raja of Idar) who had made large numbers of Muslim women widows, had to remain without a bed in Khshetra Singh's prison, when a hundred Rajas were imprisoned." The Eklingji Temple Inscription, v. 119, of 1485 A.D., says that the Maharana took away the State treasure of Idar and placed Ran Mal's son on the throne of that kingdom. The Kumbhalgarh Inscription, v. 119, says that Khshetra Singh conquered Toda, defeating its ruler Satal.² Rana Khshetra Singh died in A.D. 1382, leaving 7 sons, of whom the eldest Lakhsh Singh succeeded him. Only one inscription ¹ Lane Poole's Muhammadan Dynasties of India, p. 312. ² For an account of Todā, see Archæological Survey Report for 1872-73, Vol; VI, p. 124. 7

Maharana Kumbha. of the time of Khshetra Singh has so far come to light. It is engraved on the door of the Seetla Mata temple in Gogandā and is dated the Asoj Vad 13, V. S. 1423 (A.D. 1366). RANA LAKHSH SINGH. Lakhsh Singh or Lakha,¹ as he was popularly called, was one of the most successful of the Maharanas of Mewar, and reigned from 1382 to 1397 A.D. In his father Rana Khshetra Singh's time, while he was heir apparent to the throne, Lakhā led an expedition against the fortress of Joga² and conquered it. He extended his dominions by the subju- gation of Merwārā. He destroyed the chief stronghold of the Mérs, Beratgarh, on the ruins of which he founded Badnor.³ The Kumbhalgarh Inscription of S. 1460, V. 212, and the Chitorgarh Tower of Victory Inscrip- tion, verse 36, mention this conquest. It was during his reign that the tin and silver ¹ Also called Lākhan. ² Eklingji Temple Inscription, V. 35, published in Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 119. ³ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. 1, p. 274. 8

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Jug Mandir Palaces—Pichola Lake, Udaipur.

Maharana Kumbha. mines of Jāwar in the hilly district of Mewar were discovered. With the revenues thus augmented, he rebuilt the palaces and temples which had been destroyed by Sultan Allauddin Khilji of Delhi. He excavated many reservoirs and lakes, raised immense ramparts to dam their waters and constructed a number of forts.¹ Tradition has it that during Rana Lakha’s reign, a rich Banjara constructed the famous Picholā lake, on the bank of which the city of Udaipur was built later. This beautiful lake containing the celebrated island palaces of Jagmandir and Jagniwas, is 2½ miles long by 1½ miles wide. It was in one of the Jagmandir palaces that Shahjahan, then Prince Khurram, was given shelter by Maha- rana Karan Singh when the former rebelled against his father Emperor Jahāngir in 1622 A.D. The Maharana built a domed building for the prince, the interior being decorated with mosaics in onyx cornelian jaspers and agates while a chapel was built near by to a Muslim saint to keep the Prince 'in the odour ¹Vir Vinod, Vol. 1, p. 308. 9

Maharana Kumbha. of sanctity. May be that Shah Jahan here got the idea of marble mosaics for the famous Taj Bibi ka Roza or Taj Mahal that he built at Agra. Inscriptions of the time of Maharana Lakha show that Ghanérao, Nānā and Ḳot Solankian had become incorporated with Mewar. The inscription dated V. S. 1468 (1411 A.D.) engraved on the magnificent steel trisula in the Achaleshwar temple at Abu, says that the trisula had been manufactured in Ghanérao in Maharana Lakha's time. Another inscrip- tion of V. S. 1475 (A.D. 1419) found in Kot Solankian says that the Jain temple in the Asalpur fort was renovated in Maharana Lākhā's time, Vide Muni Jin Vijai's Prāchin Lekh Sangrah, Part II, p. 221, Inscription no. 370. These two inscriptions show that the rich province of Godwar had passed into the Maharana's possession either in Lakha's time or before it. Rana Lakha conquered the Sankhlā Rajputs of Shekhāwāti (Nagarchal¹ territory), and like his father, defeated the royal army of the ¹ Vir Vinod, p. 306. Also Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. 1, p. 274. 10

Pichola Lake and Udaipur.

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Maharana Kumbha. Sultan of Delhi at Badnor, and the Sultan of Gujrat at Mandalgarh.¹ He liberated Tristhali² (Benares, Allahabad and Gaya) from the Mussalmans and the hill fort of Vardhan³ from the Meds (Mers). Col. Tod says: "He carried the war to Gaya, and in driving the barbarian from this sacred place, lost his life."⁴ It was about this time, the close of the fourteenth century A.D., that the Rathods, who under their leader Sihaji, had come in the thirteenth century A.D., from the United Provinces, and settled in Pali (Marwar), began to take root in the congenial soil of this hospitable region, and throw out ramifications all round. One branch had settled in Mālāni, where the famous warrior, Mallinath ruled. ¹ Ferishta (Vol. IV, p. 6) says that Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujrat invaded Mandalgarh in A.D. 1396, but returned with- out conquering it, as he was given gold and jewels. The Mussal- man historians generally describe defeats of Mussalman kings by saying that the Sultan returned owing to the rainy season having set in, or, because he was given gold and jewels. Gujrat histories make no mention of this expedition against Mandalgarh. The Mirati Sikandari mentions Māndu by mis- take for Mandalgarh—Bayley's Gujrat, p. 77. ² Maharana Kumbha's Kumbhalgarh Inscription, V. 207 (Also Chitorgarh Kirtisthambha Inscription, V. 3). ³ Ibid, V. 36. ⁴ Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. 1, p. 275. 11

Maharana Kumbha. Mallinath had attained the position of a Siddha, i.e. one who by his religious pieties and practices had become perfect. Mallinath's son Jugmal was also a hero$^1$ and his romantic career is remembered to this day by the deeds of chivalry he performed, and which are sung throughout Rajputana. Sihaji who died$^2$ on Kartik Vad 12, S. 1330 (A. D. 1273) was the son of Setkumar Rathod and was succeeded by his son Asthān, who was succeeded by Duhad, then Raipal, then Kampal, after whom came Jalansi, then Chhada and then Tida, followed by Sulkha $^1$ Gindoli, the daughter of the ruler of Gujrat having heard of the heroic deeds of Jugmal fell in love with him, and Jugmal coming to know of it, brought away the girl, and refused to restore her. गींदोली बांधी गलै, जका न दे जगमाल The ruler of Gujrat invaded Jugmal's territory but was defeated and had to return discomfited. The popular couplet:— बीबी पूछे खान ने, जग केता जगमाल "The Begam asks the Khan 'how many Jugmals are there in the world" (meaning that apparently the world is full of them) shows the brave deeds of the Rajputs in the war. This war is said to have continued for six months. A song commemorating the love of Jugmal and Gindoli, Jugmal's refusal to give up Gindoli, and his valorous deeds in the war are sung in Rajputana, particularly accompanied by the Ghumar dance. $^2$ His Samadha (mausoleum) was built by his widow Solankini Parvati, vide Indian Antiquary, Vol. 40, p. 301. 12

Maharana Kumbha. and Viram. Viram was killed by the Joiya Rajputs, and his son Chonda becoming homeless, passed his childhood in the service of a Brahmin, looking after his cows. In early youth, however, he gathered a following and defeated the Joiyas, recovered his patrimony and eventually won distinction as the first Rathod King of Marwar, with Mandor as his Capital. Marwar had, for centuries, been ruled by Pratihar Rajputs. In the 14th century A.D., their power had greatly declined owing to the constant inroads of the Mussalman governors of Nagor in the north east, and the Chauhans of Jalor in the south west. As the Pratihar Chief, Inda Raidhawal was unequal to the burdens of the sovereignty of Marwar during these troublous time, he gave his daughter in marriage to Chonda, as he and his supporters thought that the enterprising Chonda would be able to save the country from falling into the hands of the Mussalmans of Nagor. With the princess was given the kingdom of Mandor in dowry, and it was stipulated that Chonda would keep the Pratihar nobles in possession of their several estates. A couplet referring 13

Maharana Kumbha. to this event, says :— इंदां रो उपकार कमधज मत भूलै कदै । चुँडो चँवरी चाड दियो मंडावर डायजे ॥ “Rathods, never forget the great benefit, Indas¹ have conferred. Chonda was married : Mandor was given in dowry (to him).” Mr. Chintamani V. Vaidya in his History of Mediæval Hindu India, says : “The Rathods first took shelter under the Pratihars of Mandor whom they subsequently treach- erously supplanted.”² This sentence contains two allegations : (1) that the Rathods took shelter under the Pratihars of Mandor and (2) that the Rathods subsequently treacherously supplanted them in the land. He has, however nowhere quoted any authority or given any reasons whatever to support these allegations, which are absolutely unfounded. The learned author thus describes³ the advent of the Rathods in Rajputana :—“In fact throughout Indian history, Rajputana appears to have afforded a sheltering ground to the Indo- Aryans, whenever they were thrust out of ¹ Indas are a branch of Pratihar Rajputs. ² Vol. II, p. 99. ³ Vol. II, p. 68. 14

Maharana Kumbha. their richer lands, blessed with plentiful water, by barbarian hordes like the Sakas, the Kushans, the Huns and lastly the Muhammadan Turks and Afghans. The last of the Rajput families which thus took shelter in the sands of Rajastan, we know from authentic history, were the Rathods of Kanauj, who after the defeat and death of Jayachand came from the Gangetic valley to the sands of Marwar." Though the word shelter is used here, yet it has no connection with the Pratihars of Mandor. Mr. Vaidya simply says that the Rathods took shelter in Rajputana from the inroads and invasions of the Turks and the Afghans, by emigrating from Kanauj to Marwar. He nowhere says that the Pratihars of Mandor actually gave or promised to give the immi- grant Rathods any protection or help. As a matter of fact historical records show that during a pilgrimage of Sihaji to Pushkar, the inhabitants of Bhinmal and Pali asked Sihaji to settle in Pali and protect them from the Muslim raids from Sindh and Nagor. Later he describes the rise and fall of the Pratihars of Kanauj including the branch at Mandor, but does not say when and in what way 15

Maharana Kumbha. the Rathods treacherously supplanted the Pratihars. No responsible historian has ever asserted that the Rathods under Chonda or someone else wrested Mandor from the Pratihars by treachery. The fact is that the Pratihars of Mandor had become very weak by constant warfare, defending themselves against the Mussalmans of Nagor on one side and the Chauhans of Jalor on the other; and when they found that they could no longer stand these inroads, they allied themselves to the rising Rathod Power led by the enterpris- ing Chonda and very wisely handed over the defence of their land to their relations, the Rathods. There was no question of treachery or unfair dealing of any kind. On the contrary, if the Pratihars had not entrusted the protec- tion of Mandor to Rathod Chonda, the probabi- lities are that Mandor would have fallen into the hands of the Muslim rulers of Nagor. Not only did Chonda consolidate his kingdom, keeping off the Muslims of Nagor, but succeeded eventually in subjugating them and taking possession of their capital Nagor. 16

Maharana Kumbha. Rao Chonda had 14 sons, the eldest being Ran Mal. Chonda, however, was very fond of his Mohil Queen, and wishing to give the kingdom to her son Kānha, made his wish known to Ran Mal. Ran Mal, to respect his father's wishes, left Mandor ¹ with 500 horsemen and went to Chitor, where Maharana Lakha bestowed a jagir of 40 villages on him. Rao Chonda-died in A.D. 1410, and Kānha succeeded him at Mandor. Many years before his death, while Maharana Lakha was still adorning the throne of Mewar and embellishing the country, an incident occurred, which, while it illustrates the thoughtless character of the Rajput, gave rise to an event which compromised the right of primogeniture to the throne of Mewar, and in the words of Colonel Tod, "proved more disastrous in its consequences than the arms of either Mughals or Mahrattas." Lakha was advanced in years, and his sons established in suitable domains, when ¹ Mehta Nainsi (Khyat, p. 23, Benares edition) says that Rao Chonda at the request of his Mohil queen ordered Ran Mal to go into exile and that several brave Rajputs espoused his cause and went away with him to Chitor. 17

Maharana Kumbha. the cocoanut came from the Rao of Mandawar (Mandor) to affiance his daughter Hansbai, Ran Mala's sister, to the heir of Mewar. “When the embassy was announced, Ran Mal was present in the Durbar; but Chonda, the heir of Mewar, was absent, and the old chief was seated in his chair of state surrounded by his court. The messenger of hymen was courteously received by Lakha, who observed that Chonda would soon return and take the gage ; “for,” added he, drawing his fingers over his moustachios, “I donot suppose, you send such playthings to an old grey-beard like me.” This little sally was applauded and repeated. Chonda offended at delicacy being sacrificed to wit, declined to accept the symbol, which his father had even in jest supposed might be intended for himself.” ¹ Thinking that his father still had a secret longing for married life, Chonda made up his mind that Lakha should himself accept the symbol. He asked Ran Mal, who happened to be at Chitor at the time, to invite him to a feast, and there he insisted on Ran Mal agreeing ¹ Mehta Nainsi gives a slightly different account of this incident; see his Khyat, p. 23. 18

Maharana Kumbha. to give his sister to the Maharana before joining his festive board. Ran Mal would not agree to this and the night neared the morn with the festive board still deserted. Not knowing how else to get out of the difficulty, Ran Mal hit on a proposal which he thought would turn the tables on Chonda. He suggested through Charan Chandan Khadiya that Chonda should renounce his right to the throne of Chitor in favour of an issue of the Rana by Ran Mal's sister. The magnanimous Chonda whose sole desire was to gratify the supposed wish of his father, unhesitatingly agreed to this. The marriage was celebrated and Mokal was the issue of this union. When Mokal was still a minor, "Lakha resolved to signalise his finale by a raid against the enemies of his faith and to expel the barbarian from the holy land of Gaya. When war was made against their religion by the Tatar proselytes of Islam, the Sutlaj and the Caggar were as the banks of the Jordan— Gaya, their Jerusalem, their holy land ; and if the destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain 19

Maharana Kumbha. was secure of his beatitude (Moksha) and borne from the scene of probation in celestial cars by the Apsaras, was introduced at once into the realm of the Sun. Ere, however, the Rana of Chitor journeyed to this bourne, he was desirous of leaving his throne un- exposed to civil strife. The subject of succession had never been renewed, but dis- cussing with Chonda his warlike pilgrimage to Gaya, from which he might not return, he sounded him by asking what estates should be settled on Mokal. The ‘Throne of Chitor’ was the honest reply ; and to set suspicions at rest, he desired that the ceremony of installa- tion should be performed previous to Lakha's departure Chonda was the first to pay homage and swear obedience and fidelity to his future sovereign.¹ Lakha had the Holy-land freed ² from the yoke of the Afghan but lost his life in the enterprise. When news of this event reached Chitor, Mokal’s mother prepared to become Sati. Chonda appeared and dissuaded ¹ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 277. ² The Kirtisthambha Inscription, V. 31 simply says that the Maharana liberated Gaya from Muslim tax. 20