महाराणा कुम्भा (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य के अद्वितीय विजेता, निर्माता व विद्वान्)

Maharana Kumbha. to this event, says :— इंदां रो उपकार कमधज मत भूलै कदै । चुँडो चँवरी चाड दियो मंडावर डायजे ॥ “Rathods, never forget the great benefit, Indas¹ have conferred. Chonda was married : Mandor was given in dowry (to him).” Mr. Chintamani V. Vaidya in his History of Mediæval Hindu India, says : “The Rathods first took shelter under the Pratihars of Mandor whom they subsequently treach- erously supplanted.”² This sentence contains two allegations : (1) that the Rathods took shelter under the Pratihars of Mandor and (2) that the Rathods subsequently treacherously supplanted them in the land. He has, however nowhere quoted any authority or given any reasons whatever to support these allegations, which are absolutely unfounded. The learned author thus describes³ the advent of the Rathods in Rajputana :—“In fact throughout Indian history, Rajputana appears to have afforded a sheltering ground to the Indo- Aryans, whenever they were thrust out of ¹ Indas are a branch of Pratihar Rajputs. ² Vol. II, p. 99. ³ Vol. II, p. 68. 14

Maharana Kumbha. their richer lands, blessed with plentiful water, by barbarian hordes like the Sakas, the Kushans, the Huns and lastly the Muhammadan Turks and Afghans. The last of the Rajput families which thus took shelter in the sands of Rajastan, we know from authentic history, were the Rathods of Kanauj, who after the defeat and death of Jayachand came from the Gangetic valley to the sands of Marwar." Though the word shelter is used here, yet it has no connection with the Pratihars of Mandor. Mr. Vaidya simply says that the Rathods took shelter in Rajputana from the inroads and invasions of the Turks and the Afghans, by emigrating from Kanauj to Marwar. He nowhere says that the Pratihars of Mandor actually gave or promised to give the immi- grant Rathods any protection or help. As a matter of fact historical records show that during a pilgrimage of Sihaji to Pushkar, the inhabitants of Bhinmal and Pali asked Sihaji to settle in Pali and protect them from the Muslim raids from Sindh and Nagor. Later he describes the rise and fall of the Pratihars of Kanauj including the branch at Mandor, but does not say when and in what way 15

Maharana Kumbha. the Rathods treacherously supplanted the Pratihars. No responsible historian has ever asserted that the Rathods under Chonda or someone else wrested Mandor from the Pratihars by treachery. The fact is that the Pratihars of Mandor had become very weak by constant warfare, defending themselves against the Mussalmans of Nagor on one side and the Chauhans of Jalor on the other; and when they found that they could no longer stand these inroads, they allied themselves to the rising Rathod Power led by the enterpris- ing Chonda and very wisely handed over the defence of their land to their relations, the Rathods. There was no question of treachery or unfair dealing of any kind. On the contrary, if the Pratihars had not entrusted the protec- tion of Mandor to Rathod Chonda, the probabi- lities are that Mandor would have fallen into the hands of the Muslim rulers of Nagor. Not only did Chonda consolidate his kingdom, keeping off the Muslims of Nagor, but succeeded eventually in subjugating them and taking possession of their capital Nagor. 16

Maharana Kumbha. Rao Chonda had 14 sons, the eldest being Ran Mal. Chonda, however, was very fond of his Mohil Queen, and wishing to give the kingdom to her son Kānha, made his wish known to Ran Mal. Ran Mal, to respect his father's wishes, left Mandor ¹ with 500 horsemen and went to Chitor, where Maharana Lakha bestowed a jagir of 40 villages on him. Rao Chonda-died in A.D. 1410, and Kānha succeeded him at Mandor. Many years before his death, while Maharana Lakha was still adorning the throne of Mewar and embellishing the country, an incident occurred, which, while it illustrates the thoughtless character of the Rajput, gave rise to an event which compromised the right of primogeniture to the throne of Mewar, and in the words of Colonel Tod, "proved more disastrous in its consequences than the arms of either Mughals or Mahrattas." Lakha was advanced in years, and his sons established in suitable domains, when ¹ Mehta Nainsi (Khyat, p. 23, Benares edition) says that Rao Chonda at the request of his Mohil queen ordered Ran Mal to go into exile and that several brave Rajputs espoused his cause and went away with him to Chitor. 17

Maharana Kumbha. the cocoanut came from the Rao of Mandawar (Mandor) to affiance his daughter Hansbai, Ran Mala's sister, to the heir of Mewar. “When the embassy was announced, Ran Mal was present in the Durbar; but Chonda, the heir of Mewar, was absent, and the old chief was seated in his chair of state surrounded by his court. The messenger of hymen was courteously received by Lakha, who observed that Chonda would soon return and take the gage ; “for,” added he, drawing his fingers over his moustachios, “I donot suppose, you send such playthings to an old grey-beard like me.” This little sally was applauded and repeated. Chonda offended at delicacy being sacrificed to wit, declined to accept the symbol, which his father had even in jest supposed might be intended for himself.” ¹ Thinking that his father still had a secret longing for married life, Chonda made up his mind that Lakha should himself accept the symbol. He asked Ran Mal, who happened to be at Chitor at the time, to invite him to a feast, and there he insisted on Ran Mal agreeing ¹ Mehta Nainsi gives a slightly different account of this incident; see his Khyat, p. 23. 18

Maharana Kumbha. to give his sister to the Maharana before joining his festive board. Ran Mal would not agree to this and the night neared the morn with the festive board still deserted. Not knowing how else to get out of the difficulty, Ran Mal hit on a proposal which he thought would turn the tables on Chonda. He suggested through Charan Chandan Khadiya that Chonda should renounce his right to the throne of Chitor in favour of an issue of the Rana by Ran Mal's sister. The magnanimous Chonda whose sole desire was to gratify the supposed wish of his father, unhesitatingly agreed to this. The marriage was celebrated and Mokal was the issue of this union. When Mokal was still a minor, "Lakha resolved to signalise his finale by a raid against the enemies of his faith and to expel the barbarian from the holy land of Gaya. When war was made against their religion by the Tatar proselytes of Islam, the Sutlaj and the Caggar were as the banks of the Jordan— Gaya, their Jerusalem, their holy land ; and if the destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain 19

Maharana Kumbha. was secure of his beatitude (Moksha) and borne from the scene of probation in celestial cars by the Apsaras, was introduced at once into the realm of the Sun. Ere, however, the Rana of Chitor journeyed to this bourne, he was desirous of leaving his throne un- exposed to civil strife. The subject of succession had never been renewed, but dis- cussing with Chonda his warlike pilgrimage to Gaya, from which he might not return, he sounded him by asking what estates should be settled on Mokal. The ‘Throne of Chitor’ was the honest reply ; and to set suspicions at rest, he desired that the ceremony of installa- tion should be performed previous to Lakha's departure Chonda was the first to pay homage and swear obedience and fidelity to his future sovereign.¹ Lakha had the Holy-land freed ² from the yoke of the Afghan but lost his life in the enterprise. When news of this event reached Chitor, Mokal’s mother prepared to become Sati. Chonda appeared and dissuaded ¹ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 277. ² The Kirtisthambha Inscription, V. 31 simply says that the Maharana liberated Gaya from Muslim tax. 20

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Rawat Chonda.

Maharana Kumbha. her from her resolution saying that Mokal was a child, and she, the Queen mother, must watch over the welfare of the Rana. The Queen had not expected this steadfast fidelity from Chonda. She praised his unexampled conduct and declared that he (Chonda) should ever have the first place in the Council, and no grant by the Rana should take effect till it was confirmed by him. This is still main- tained, and in all grants the lance of the Salumbra still precedes the monogram of the Rana."¹ This assignment of the first place in the council and a recognition of the premier position amongst the vassalage of Mewar, became the cause of its ruin, when, in the 18th century, the decendants of Chonda strenuously worked to maintain the position thus assigned to Chonda, but forgot the self sacrifice of that great man, and proved incapable of following in the footsteps of the illustrious founder of their family, when their country ¹ In old days all grants were written in Sanskrit and signed by the King. But Maharana Kumbha discontinued signing grants. Henceforth instead of the signature, only the word सही confirmed began to be written by the Maharana. 21

Maharana Kumbha. had need of those qualities of head and heart, which are so gloriously illustrated in the life of Chonda. Rana Lakhsh Singh died some time between A.D. 1419 and A.D. 1421. A stone inscription ¹ found in Kot Solankian in the Godwar district of Marwar says that the Paraswanath temple in the Asalpur fort was renovated on Monday the Asar Sud 3rd, S. 1475 (A.D. 1419) during the victorious reign of Rana Laksh Singh. The earliest inscription of the time of his son and succes- sor Mokal, is dated the Pos Sud 6, S. 1478 (A.D. 1421). This shows that Rana Lakhsh Singh died sometime after the year A.D. 1419 and before A.D. 1421, in which year Mokal the youngest of Lakha's sons ², was reigning in Mewar. ¹ Muni Jinvijaya's Prachin Jain Lekh Sangrah, part II. p. 221, inscription No. 370. The Asar, S. 1475, of the Mewar State Sambat corresponds with the Chaitra, S. 1476 of the ordinary Vikrama era. ² Maharana Lakhsh Singh had nine sons, Chonda, Ragha- vadeva, Ajja, Uda, Dula, Gajsingh, Dungersingh, Manda and Mokal. Nainsi's Khyat, p. 25, omits Ajja. 22

CHAPTER III. MAHARANA MOKAL. As MOKAL, when he ascended the throne, was very young, Chonda was at the head of affairs in Mewar. His high character, love of justice, and utter unselfishness made the admi- nistration most efficient and won the admira- tion and love of the people. The Queenmother of Chitor, Hansbai, was young and in- experienced, and interested parties began to poison her ears. The intrigue developed, and Hansbai became apprehensive because of the predominant influence of Chonda. At last, one day she sent for Chonda and said that either he should leave Mewar, or some place be fixed where she would retire with her minor son Mokal. The chivalrous Chonda, who had willingly renounced the throne of Chitor in favour of Mokal, determined to leave Mewar and told her that he was leaving Chitor immediately and asked her to look carefully after Mewar. Apprehensive of the designs 23

Maharana Kumbha. of the unscrupulous people round the Queen- mother, Chonda asked his younger brother Rāghavadeva to watch over the young Maha- rana, and himself went away with his brother Ajja and others to Māndu, where the Sultan received him with open arms and granted him the district of Hallar as jagir.¹ After Chonda's departure, Ran Mal, the brother of Hansbai, became her chief adviser and the Rathods were given high offices and jagirs in Mewar. But events occurred in Mandor which sent Ran Mal back to Marwar. On the death of Rao Chonda of Mandor in 1410 A.D., his son Kānha had succeeded him, the eldest son Ran Mal having renounced his claim to the throne in favour of Kanha in deference to his father's wishes. Kānha after ruling Marwar for some years died without leaving a son. Kanha's eldest brother Ran Mal was in Chitor and Satta and Randhir, his other two elder brothers were in Mandor. Randhir, the youngest of the 3 brothers, asked Satta what would be given to Randhir if the latter put Satta on the throne ¹ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 278. 24

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Rao Ran Mal of Mandor.

Maharana Kumbha. instead of Ran Mal, the eldest of them all. Satta promised to give half the territory to Randhir. Randhir placed Satta on the throne himself getting half the estate. But he had not counted with Narbad, the warlike son of Satta, who did not like that half the income of Marwar should go to Randhir. Narbad determined to get rid of Randhir. Randhir's son Napa soon died of poison, and one Dayal having apprised Randhir of his impending doom, Randhir repaired to Chitor and insti- gated Ran Mal to claim his patrimony.¹ Both Satta and Ran Mal were maternal uncles of the Maharana Mokal, but as Ran Mal was the rightful successor of Kanha, the Maharana expoused his cause and furnished him with a large army, with which he invaded Mandor, defeated Satta and recovered his rightful inheritance. The Maharana called Satta and Narbad to Chitor and bestowed a jagir of a lakh of rupees with the town of Kāyalānā on Narbad and enrolled him among his vassals. Ran Mal thus began to reign in Mandor.² ¹ See Vir Vinod, p. 312. ² Mehta Nainsi in his Khyat (p. 25) says that after recovering Mandor with the help of Maharana Mokal's army, Ran Mal gave Mandor to his eldest son Jodha and himself took up residence at Nagor. 25

Maharana Kumbha. Mokal's short reign of about 13 years—he came to the throne about the year 1420 A.D. and was assassinated in 1433 A.D.—was full of great events. He maintained the traditions of the House by inflicting a defeat on Muhammad Tughlaq, the king of Delhi, in the field of Raipur. Maharana Mokal "overran Sapādalaksha (Ajmer) territory and took Sāmbhar from the Sultan of Delhi." The Kumbhalgarh Inscription of the time of Maha- rana Kumbha, dated Monday the 3rd of Novem- ber, 1460 A.D., says that "the ruler of Jalor (Jabalipur) trembled before him, and the King of Delhi became anxious about his territory." A principality subordinate to Gujrat had been established at Nagor about 1404 A.D. by Shams Khan, who was succeeded by his son Firoz Khan. The Samiddheshwar Maha- deva Temple Inscription of Magh Sud 3rd, S. 1485 (A.D. 1429) says that "Maharana Mokal invaded Nagor and defeated Sultan Firoz Khan. Firoz Khan's two sons, Modood and Masti and his numerous elephants were killed in the battle." ¹ The Khan of Nagor accepted ¹ Mehta Nainsi's Khyat, p. 26, foot note. 26

[Header] Maharana Kumbhá.

Maharana Mokal's suzerainty, and in acknowledg- ment of it used to send all colts born in Nagor to the Maharana's stables at Chitor. ¹ The Shringirishi Inscription of A.D. 1428 (V. S. 1485) says that Padshah Ahmad (of Gujrat) was defeated by Mokal and had to flee for his life, leaving his treasure behind. Also, Kumbhalgarh Inscription of 1460 A.D. says that both Firoz and Muhammad (Ahmad) were defeated and had to flee for their lives. The Eklingji Temple Inscription,² V. 44, of 1488 A.D., of the time of Maharana Raimal says that Maharana Mokal obtained a victory at Jahazpur over Firoz Khan. Mokal rebuilt the great temple of Samidd- heshwar Mahadeva³ near the "Tower of Victory" at Chitor and made a grant of Dhanpur for its upkeep; and gave the villages of Bándanwara (now in the Ajmer District) and Ramgaon (2 miles from Eklingji) for the upkeep of the Eklingji temple. He construc- ¹ Kaviraj Bankey Das' Miscellany of Historical Records : Record No. 943. ² Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 120. ³ This temple was originally built by Raja Bhoja, the famous Paramra King of Dhar, and was called Tribhuvan Narain Temple after Bhoja's surname, Tribhuvan Narain. 27

Maharana Kumbha. Mokal’s short reign of about 13 years—he came to the throne about the year 1420 A.D. and was assassinated in 1433 A.D.—was full of great events. He maintained the traditions of the House by inflicting a defeat on Muhammad Tughlaq, the king of Delhi, in the field of Raipur. Maharana Mokal “overran Sapādalaksha (Ajmer) territory and took Sāmbhar from the Sultan of Delhi.” The Kumbhalgarh Inscription of the time of Maha- rana Kumbha, dated Monday the 3rd of Novem- ber, 1460 A.D., says that “the ruler of Jalor (Jabalipur) trembled before him, and the King of Delhi became anxious about his territory.” A principality subordinate to Gujrat had been established at Nagor about 1404 A.D. by Shams Khan, who was succeeded by his son Firoz Khan. The Samiddheshwar Maha- deva Temple Inscription of Magh Sud 3rd, S. 1485 (A.D. 1429) says that “Maharana Mokal invaded Nagor and defeated Sultan Firoz Khan. Firoz Khan’s two sons, Modood and Masti and his numerous elephants were killed in the battle.” ¹ The Khan of Nagor accepted ¹ Mehta Naiusi’s Khyat, p. 26, foot note. 26

Maharana Kumbha. Maharana Mokal's suzereinty, and in acknowledg- ment of it used to send all colts born in Nagor to the Maharana's stables at Chitor. ¹ The Shringirishi Inscription of A.D. 1428 (V. S. 1485) says that Padshah Ahmad (of Gujrat) was defeated by Mokal and had to flee for his life, leaving his treasure behind. Also, Kumbhalgarh Inscription of 1460 A.D. says that both Firoz and Muhammad (Ahmad) were defeated and had to flee for their lives. The Eklingji Temple Inscription,² V. 44, of 1488 A.D., of the time of Maharana Raimal says that Maharana Mokal obtained a victory at Jahazpur over Firoz Khan. Mokal rebuilt the great temple of Samidd- heshwar Mahadeva³ near the "Tower of Victory" at Chitor and made a grant of Dhanpur for its upkeep; and gave the villages of Bándanwara (now in the Ajmer District) and Ramgaon (2 miles from Eklingji) for the upkeep of the Eklingji temple. He construc- ¹ Kaviraj Bankey Das' Miscellany of Historical Records : Record No. 943. ² Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 120. ³ This temple was originally built by Raja Bhoja, the famous Paramra King of Dhar, and was called Tribhuvan Narain Temple after Bhoja's surname, Tribhuvan Narain. 27