महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sāngā. when Sāngā called him to his duty he excused himself by saying that Bābur would not allow him to do so. As Byana belonged by right to Sāngā, he resolved to march against Nizam Khan to enforce obedience. Bābur wishing to forestall Sāngā, sent an army under Tardi Beg to take it. Alim Khan, brother of Nizam Khan, also joined the Turks. Bābur's army was, however, defeated and put to flight by Nizam Khan. But when Sāngā advanced from Rantham- bhore, Nizam Khan finding it impossible to hold Byana against the Maharana, voluntarily surrendered the stronghold to Bābur,¹ receiving in return a jagir in the Doab. Bābur's occupation of Byana was an open attack on the territory of the Maharana, and the Maharana regarding this as a challenge, took up the gauntlet and began to make preparations to drive out the Turks from Hindustan. Nizam Khan's action brought Sāngā and Bābur face to face earlier than Bābur ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, pp. 452-53. 121

Maharana Sāngā. wished. Bābur was yet more or less of a stranger to Hindustan and he wished to consolidate his power and position by reducing to submission the various Pathan Chiefs and semi-independent Afghan governors of different provices of Hindustan before engaging in a war with Sāngā, which Bābur knew very well would mean the latter's sovereignty of Hindustan or a final defeat of all his hopes and ambitions. Sāngā and Bābur are the two out- standing personalities of the time in India. Though Sāngā was no ordinary Rajput king, Bābur was an equally remarkable personality. Both were of about the same age. Sāngā was born in A.D. 1482 and Bābur in A.D. 1483. Both were men of valour and had received their training in the school of adversity. The early life of Bābur had been a continuous record of trouble, disappointment and defeat; but of unremit- ting toil, ever-renewed effort, unflagging energy, great personal bravery and confi- dence. He had met with so many ups and downs in his life that he never lost courage, 122

Maharana Sāngā. and was always prepared for difficulties and disappointments. His career was passed amongst the barbarians of the North, the rugged, turbulent and treacherous tribes of Turkistan and Transoxiana; and his hardy constitution, his indomitable courage, his varied experience, and his great knowledge of men, stood him in good stead when he was opposed by the chivalry of Rajputana— a country far in advance of Central Asia in humanity and culture. Bābur was a man of amiable disposition, and was of a joyous nature. He was fond of the good things of life. He had some learning and culture and was not devoid of generous instincts when political considerations did not come into play. As a man and a leader he was head and shoulders above the chieftains and nobles who followed his fortunes in India. He was Maharana Sāngā’s equal in courage and determination and not inferior to him in personal valour. And if he was inferior to the Maharana in chivalry, heroism, generosity,¹ highmindedness and devotion to ¹ Not only did Sāngā generously bestow Mandu on the defeated Sultan Mahmud, but gave away Chitor to 123

Maharana Sāngā. the dictates of honour, he was his superior in circumspection, perseverance, judgment, and above all, in quickness to take advantage of every occasion favourable to him. Defeat after defeat, disaster following disaster made Bābur wideawake, circumspect and artful. They matured his judgment, gave him a richer knowledge of human nature and prepared him to meet all emergencies. On the other hand, unbroken success after coming to the throne, victory following victory, gave Sāngā self-confidence, courage and hope, enhanced his prestige and glory, but made him minimize difficulties and neglect taking proper precautions. It impaired his power of properly appreciating the meaning and the bearing of incidents and attendant the Kesaria Charan Haridas after the victory over Mahmud Khilji. Haridas, however, presented the fort- ress again to the Maharana. The following verses by Haridas are extant in Rajputana : मांडवगढ गर्जर ग्रहमुके रेणवां दीध चत्रगढराज Thou, O! Rana, didst allow the kings of Mandu and Gujarāt to return home, and gavest away the fortress of Chitor to Renwa Charan. Also दिध चित्रकोट कवियां खुमाणा, दिज विजई नैं रीझदिया ॥ 124

Maharana Sāngā. circumstances on the success of a plan. While Sāngā was a greater hero and a more chivalrous leader of men, Bābur was a greater politician and a more wary and skilful general. While Sāngā had prestige, bravery, dash, and numbers on his side, Bābur had artfulness, desperation and religious fervour to support him. 125

CHAPTER XIII. WAR WITH BĀBUR. BATTLE OF KHANUĀ. IN his expedition against Bābur, Sāngā received assistance from an unexpected quarter. After the fall of the Lodi dynasty, the Afghan chiefs who exer- cised supreme power in Hindustan became apprehensive of losing their position of influence and power, when they saw that, unlike Timur, Bābur intended to stay in India and found a kingdom on the ruins of the Afghan power. They, therefore, com- bined and began to devise means to drive the Turks out of India. As, however, Bābur held Delhi and Agra, the eastern Afghans rallied round the standard of Bābur Khan Lohani, whom they raised to the throne of Behar under the name of Sultan Muhammad Shah.¹ The Western Afghan Confederacy, headed by Nawab Hasan Khan of Mewat, who ruled ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, p. 443. 126.

Maharana Sāṅgā. at Alwar, espoused the cause of Mahmud Lodi, a brother of Sultan Ibrahim. The confederates appealed to the Maharana to drive the Turks out of India. They acknowledged him as their suzerain and promised to govern the country occupied by them as his feudatories. Bābur, who had sent Humayun against the Eastern Afghan Confederacy, on hearing that Sāngā was preparing an army to march against Byana, wrote to Humayun to return with all available troops to Agra. Humayun not meeting with strong opposition in the east, after taking Jaunpur, returned to Agra and joined Bābur. Afraid of the great power of Sāngā, Bābur now wished to conciliate the western Afghans, and in order to gain over their leader, Hasan Khan of Mewat, released his son Naharkhan, who had been taken prisoner at Panipat after the defeat of Ibrahim Lodi. Bābur sent him to his father with a dress of honour and an earnest request to espouse his cause. 127

Maharana Sāngā. Muhammad Zeitun and Tatarkhan Sarang- khani were won over. They surren- dered the forts of Dholpur and Gwalior to Bābur and were given jagirs in other places. All these chieftains now came to Bābur with their armies. On 11th February A.D. 1527, Bābur marched out of Agra to proceed against S̃āngā but halted a few days near the town to collect his troops and get his artillery in order. He advanced to Medhakur, where he had previously had wells dug for water, and the next day to Fatehpur Sikri, where he encamped and began to fortify his position. Maharana Sāngā started from Chitor with a large army in Baisakh S. 1584.¹ Prince Mahmud Khan Lodi who had taken shelter with the Maharana, was also in the Maharana's army in the hope of recover- ing the kingdom lost by his brother Ibrahim Lodi. When news of the Maharana's arrival at Ranthambhore reached Bābur he became ¹ Chatur Kula Charitra, p. 26. 128

Maharana Sāngā. alarmed, for he knew that Sāngā, as he says in his Memoirs, was a very powerful king, and that "the high eminence he then held, he had attained by his valour and his sword." He knew very well that the Afghan chiefs in India were all at heart his enemies. He therefore made overtures for peace through Raja Silhiddi Tuar of Raisen, a feudatory of the Maharana, but the Maharana rejected the overtures, and after taking the strong fort of Kandar from Hasan Makan,¹ who in vain applied to Bābur for help, advanced to Byana. Hasan Khan of Mewat who, along with other chieftains "looked to Sāngā for aid," did not take the bait offered by Bābur through Nahar Khan, but joined Sāngā with ten thousand horse. The Maharana attacked and took Byana, the governor, Mehdi Khwaja, fleeing to Bābur with the remnant of his troops. The Maharana's army advanced and fell on Bābur's advanced guard on 21st February 1527 (Chaitra Bad 6th, S. 1583 = 20 ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I., p. 448. 129

Maharana Sāngā. Jamadi ul Avval H. 933). This advanced guard was "entirely destroyed, the fugitives carrying to the main body the accounts of the disaster, which paralysed their energies, and made them entrench for security instead of advancing with the confidence of victory. Reinforcements met the same fate and were pursued to the camp." ¹ Mr. Erskine says: "They had had some sharp encounters with the Rajputs, in which they had been severely handled and taught to respect their new enemy. A party from the garrison had some days before in- cautiously advanced too far from the fort, when the Rajputs fell upon them and drove them in. All the troops engaged in this affair united in bestowing unbounded praise on the gallantry and prowess of the enemy (Rajputs). Indeed the Jaghtai Turks found that they had now to contend with a foe more formidable than either the Afghans or any of the natives of India to whom they had yet been opposed. The Rajputs, energetic, chivalrous, fond of battle and ¹ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I., p. 303. 130

Maharana Sāngā. bloodshed, animated by strong national spirit and led on by a hero, were ready to meet, face to face, the boldest veterans of the camp, and were at all times prepared to lay down their life for their honour.” Mr. Stanley Lane Poole says : “Their chivalry and lofty sense of honour inspired nobler feats and sacrifices than any that were conceived by Bābur’s less highly-wrought soldiers.” ¹ Mir Abdul Aziz, who was in charge of the advance, had pickets pushed on for seven or eight miles. A body of Rajputs fell upon him and “many of his men were killed, others taken prisoners and carried off the field on the very first onset.” “ The minister’s son, Mohib Ali Khalifa, pushed forward to his assistance, and numbers of separate horse- men, as fast as they were equipped, were sent off at the best of their speed. Mohib Ali found everything in disorder, Abdul Aziz’s standard taken and many excellent officers slain. Not only was he unable to turn the ¹ Stanley Lane Poole’s Bābur, p. 176. 131

Maharana Sāngā. tide of success but was himself unhorsed, though finally brought off by a desperate charge of his followers. Bābur's troops were then pursued for about two miles." ¹ To detach Hasan Khan Mewati from the Maharana, Bābur had sent a predatory force into Mewat with orders "to plunder the country, to carry off the inhabitants into captivity, and to leave nothing undone to ruin the province. The ravages were extended into many of the neighbouring districts, but the results of this diversion did not answer his expectations." "The repeated successes of the Rajputs, the unexpected valour and good conduct they displayed, and their numbers, for they are said to have amounted to an hundred and twenty thousand horse, had begun to spread a visible discouragement among the troops."² Bābur again opened negotiations for peace, and employed the time thus gained to strengthen his position and give his men time to recover their confidence. In order ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, p. 465. ² Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, p. 465-6. 132

Maharana Sāngā. to reassure the drooping spirits of his troops, he threw up entrenchments, in which he placed his artillery, connecting his guns by chains, and in the more exposed parts, chevaux de frise, united by leather ropes. These operations were continued for 3 or 4 weeks, during which time the army remain- ed blockaded in this encampment. About this time he received a reinforcement of 500 volunteers from Kabul, who were accompanied by a noted astrologer, Muhammad Sharif. Even the astrologer instead of being of assis- tance, “added to the depression and panic which prevailed in the camp by declaring his opinion that the planet Mars, being in the west, whoever engaged, coming from the opposite direction, would be defeated.” ¹ Feelings of extreme uneasiness and dis- may crowded the mind of Bābur when he was thus forcibly cooped up in his entrenched camp, while the Rajputs were in possession of the open country. His introspective spirit was quickened, and reviewing his past ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, p. 466. 133

Maharana Sāṅgā. life, he felt that he had grossly and openly violated one of the chief principles of his faith, being firmly addicted to drinking wine. He now determined "to renounce this besetting sin in order to merit superior aid to extricate him from his peril." Bābur says in his Memoirs : "On Monday, the 23rd of Jamadi ul Awwal, I had mounted to survey my posts, and in the course of my ride was seriously struck with the reflection that I had always resolved one time or another to make an effectual repentance, and that some traces of the hankering after a renunciation of forbidden works had ever remained in my heart : I said to myself : ' Oh my soul, How long wilt thou continue to take pleasure in sin, Repentence is not unpalatable—taste it.’ “Having withdrawn myself from such temptation, I vowed never more to drink wine. Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to be broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The fragments of the goblets and other utensils of gold and silver 134

Maharana Sāngā I directed to be divided amongst dervishes and the poor." Bābur also vowed not to cut the beard, but to allow it to grow like a true Mussalman. Nearly 300 of his men, great and small, made such vows of reformation. “The dejection and alarm of Bābur’s troops,” says Erskine, “had at this time reached their extreme point. The contagion had infected even his highest officers.” “The destruction of the wine flasks,” says Tod, “would appear only to have added to the existing consternation.” In his despair, as a last resort, Bābur determined to make an appeal to the religious feelings of his follow- ers, “so powerful with all Moslems.” Bābur says in his Memoirs: “At this time, as I have already observed, in conse- quence of preceding events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among the great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a courage- ous opinion. The Vaziers whose duty it was to give good counsel and the Amirs who 135

Maharana Sāngā. enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms, neither spoke bravely nor was their counsel or deportment such as became men of firmness." "At length," continues Bābur, "observing the universal discouragement of my troops and their total want of spirit I came to a resolution. Having called a general assembly of my Amirs and officers, I addressed them : ‘Noblemen and soldiers! Every man that cometh into this world is subject to dissolu- tion. When we are passed away and gone God survives, One and Unchangeable. Who- ever sits down to the feast of life must, before it is over, drink of the cup of death. He who arrives at the inn of mortality, the world, must one day, without fail, take his departure from that mansion of sorrow. How much better then is it to die with honour than to live with infamy. ‘Give me but fame, and if I die I am contented, ‘If fame be mine, let death claim my body.’ ‘The most High God has been propi- tious to us. He has now placed us in such a crisis that if we fall in the field we die the death of martyrs; if we survive, we rise victorious, the avengers of His sacred cause. 136

Maharana Sāngā. Let us, therefore, with one accord swear on God’s holy word, that none of us will for a moment think of turning his face from this warfare; or shrink from the battle and slaughter that ensue, till his soul is separat- ed from his body.’ Master and servant, small and great, all with emulation seizing the blessed Qoran in their hands, swore in the form that I had given.” Though twenty thousand soldiers of Bābur swore on the Qoran to win or die in the battle but not to leave the field alive, yet Bābur was not assured of success, and conscious of the grave consequences of a defeat at this juncture, he renewed¹ the negotiations with the Maharana through Silhiddi, the Chief of Raisen. He offered to make Peela khal near Byana the boundary of their respective dominions and give an annual tribute to the Maharana on condition of being left Delhi and its dependencies.”² ¹ The Tabqati Akbari says that at this Council the grandees advised Bābur to retire to the Panjab. ² Tod’s Rajasthan, Vol. I., p. 305: “We can well believe,” says he, “that in the position Bābur then was, he would not scruple to promise anything”—p. 306. 137

Maharana Sāngā. The advisers of the Maharana, with whom Silhidi was not at all popular, dissuaded Sāngā from accepting these terms, and the negotiations finally came to an end. Colonel Tod says that though the arrangement was negatived, treason had effected the salvation of Bābur. Silhidi, seeing that though the Maharana had been offered more than what he had started from Chitor to fight for, the overtures were rejected only because he was the medium. He took it to heart and deter- mined to stand in the way of victory. This ill-advised inactivity of the Maha- rana while Bābur was cooped up in his encampment, though partly explained by the protracted negotiations for peace made by Bābur, was most deplorable. If he supposed that Bābur was in the toils and that every day’s delay brought with it increased danger to him, he should also have considered that delay is always fatal to the cohesion of a heterogenous mass like that by which he was surround- ed, all parts of which owned neither the same patriotic feelings by which he 138

Maharana Sāngā. was actuated, nor were bound by the same common interest. For the success of the operations of a leader of such a coalition, swift action is a sine qua non! Delay gives scope to the play of disruptive forces which bring certain ruin on the whole body. Such forces inhere in com- posite masess and are only held in check by concentrating the attention of all on one definite aim, by means the most direct and easily understood by all. The Maha- rana was surrounded by a number of chiefs whose interests never coincided, who came from different provinces, who belonged to different and often hostile communities who even differed in faith, whose aims in life were different and in several instances conflicting ; whose only common tie was admiration for and confidence in the heroic personality of the Maharana. In such a situation, the leader to achieve success, must possess energy and courage more than caution and patience; bold aggressiveness more than humanity and forbearance. He must keep the various elements of his army fully employed, and their energies directed 139

Mahārāṇa Sāngā. to achieving as speedily as possible the common aim. Halting action, faltering attitude, waiting upon time to do the work of the sword are fatal, and entail certain defeat. If the Maharana had possessed the restless energy of his elder brother, the ever-memorable, the "winged" Prithviraj, or if he did possess it, had shown it in a speedy attack on the entrenched camp of Bābur; or if, with Rana Hammir’s energy, he had fallen on the dejected, panic- stricken followers of the brave adventurer from Samarkand, the Turk (Moghul) dy- nasty would probably never have occupied the throne of Delhi,¹ and the history of India would have run a different course from what it has done. The Maharana’s delay in coming to an action gave time to Bābur to instil some of his own courage of despair, some of his own heroic ardour into his dejected followers, as well as ¹ Mr. Elphinstone in his History of India, page 373, says: "Bābur’s advanced guard was immediately attacked; and though reinforced from the main body, was defeated with heavy loss. If the Raja had pressed on during the first panic, he would have obtained an easy victory. 140