महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sāngā. Sāngā's country was surrounded by the Mussalman kingdoms of Delhi, Malwa and — Gujarāt except towards the west, where the Rāthors were rapidly rising to power. With all these three monarchies, Sāngā had to wage wars, and it is due to his military genius that Mewar came out successful in every one of them. Combinations were formed against him and he had to fight his enemies on all the three fronts at the same time, but his genius was equal to all emer- gencies. It has been recorded to his glory that he not only vanquished them and extended his kingdom at their expense but made them respect the frontiers established by him. He won the respect and attachment of all the Hindu kings of Upper India and raised Mewar to an eminence never reached by any Hindu kingdom since the fall of the Chauhan dynasty of Ajmer towards the end of the twelfth century. Sāngā's achievements raised him to a position in India which, in the words of Mr. Erskine, "inspired all his countrymen with hopes that a change of dynasty was about to take place; and they hailed with joy the prospect of a native 49

Maharana Sāngā. Government of India."¹ Had not a small incident occurred on the field of Khānua on 16th March A.D. 1527, the crown of India "might again have encircled the brow of a Hindu, and the banner of supremacy been transferred from Indraprastha to the battle- ments of Chitor."² The early part of the sixteenth century witnessed the rapid decay of the Pathan power in Northern India. The Lodi dynasty had succeeded the Sayyads at Delhi. The fanati- cal Sikander transferred the seat of govern- ment to a more central position, Agra, in the vain hope of strengthening the failing sinews of the Pathan power in Hindustan, which was crumbling to pieces. The cruelty, distrustfulness and oppression of Sikander's son Ibrahim led to numerous revolts in his dominions, and the time was favourable for the designs of a vigorous monarch like Sāngā. "Mewar little dreaded these imperial puppets, when ‘Amurath to Amurath ¹ W. Erskine's History of India, Vol. I., p. 469. ² Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I., p. 300. 50

Maharana Sāngā. succeeded,' and when four kings reigned simultaneously between Delhi and Benares."¹ The kingdom of Malwa, founded in A.D. 1401 by Dilawar Khan Ghori, was now, after only a century's existence, tottering to its fall. The cruelty and incapacity of Nāsiruddin had disgusted the nobles, and the administration had become weak and inefficient. Nāsiruddin was succeeded in 1511 A.D.² by his son, Mahmud II, who lacked all the qualities of a king except personal courage, and who consequently brought about the downfall of that kingdom. The Sultanate of Gujarāt, founded in A.D. 1407 by the Hindu convert, Zafar Khan,³ was a small principality. When separated from Delhi, the new king had but a narrow territory on the plain. On the north-west were the independent Rajas of Jalor and Sirohi from whom he occasionally levied contri- butions. The Raja of Idar, another Rajput prince, was in possession of the western ¹ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I., p. 299. ² Major Luard's Bibliography, &c., p. 70. ³ Bayley's History of Gujarāt, p 84. 51

Maharana Sāngā. part of the hills. The rest of the hilly and forest tract was held by the mountain tribes of Bhils and Kolis, among whom some Raj- put princes, mostly connected with Mewar, had also founded petty States. The peninsula was in the hands of nine or ten Hindu tribes who had mostly come from Cutch and Sindh at different periods some centuries before. The real possessions of the kings of Gujarāt, therefore, only included the plain between the hills and the sea, and even of that the eastern part belonged to an independent Raja who resided in the hill fort of Champānēr. On the other hand, the Gujarāt territory stretched along the sea to the south-east so as to include the city of Surat and some of the country beyond it.¹ The Sultans maintained their power, as the Hindu Rajas were all disunited. Although none of the latter was strong enough to drive out the Sultan from Gujarāt, so powerful were these Rajas that the Sultan had at times to use all the resources of his kingdom to subdue even one of them. If they had com- ¹ Elphinstone's History of India, p. 673. (Edition of 1857 A.D.). 52

Maharana Sāngā. bined, the Sultanate would have ceased to exist. When Sāngā came to the throne, the Sultanate of Gujarāt was at the meridian of its power and prosperity. Mahmud Shah Begara's reign was drawing to a close, and it was with his son, Muzaffar Shah II, who reigned till A.D. 1526, that Sāngā had to wage wars. It was through Idar that Sāngā came into collision with the Sultan of Gujarāt. Idar, as stated above, is a small Rāthor Rajput principality situated on the borders of Gujarāt. Its ruler, Rao Bhan, died, leaving two sons, Suraj Mal and Bhim. Suraj Mal succeeded to the throne but died after a reign of 18 months, leaving a minor son Rai Mal, who became Rao of Idar. He was, however, deposed by Bhim,¹ who usurped the throne. Rai Mal fled to Chitor for shelter. Bhim dying a few days after this, his son Bhar Mal, became Rao of Idar. Rai Mal on growing up to manhood claimed his patri- mony, and with the assistance of Maharana ¹A. K. Forbes' Ras Mala, p. 290 (1878 edition). 53

Maharana Sāngā. Sāngā, ¹ about A.D. 1514, regained Idar, expelling Bhar Mal, who appealed for help to Sultan Muzaffar ² of Gujarāt. The Sultan at the time was on the borders of Malwa watching developments in that country. When the envoys of Bhar Mal reached Muzaffar, he sent Nizam-ul-mulk with an army to reinstate Bhar Mal on the gadi of Idar. The Mirat-i-sikandari says that "in A.D. 1517, Rai Mal fought with the Gujarāt armies and was sometimes defeat- ed and sometimes victorious."³ Ferishta says that Rai Mal was defeated and that he retired to the hilly tract of Bijanagar.⁴ Nizam-ul-mulk after reinstating Bhar Mal on the gadi of Idar, went in pursuit of Rai Mal. Rai Mal issued from the hills and attacked the Gujarāt army. In the battle that took place, Nizam-ul-mulk was severely defeated⁵ and his best officers and soldiers ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 252. Briggs's Ferishta, Vol. IV., p. 83. ² Briggs's Ferishta, Vol. IV., p. 83. Ras Mala, p. 293. ³ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 253. ⁴ Ferishta, Vol. IV., p. 83. Ferishta, Vol. IV., p. 83 ; also Ras Mala, p. 294. 54

Maharana Sāngā. were slain. The Sultan thereupon recalled Nizam-ul-mulk to Ahmadabad. In A.D. 1517, Rai Mal, assisted by the Maharana¹ re-entered the Idar territory. The Sultan of Gujarāt sent his general Zahir- ul-mulk, with a large army against him. Zahir-ul-mulk was, however, attacked by Rai Mal and defeated with great slaughter.² Zahir-ul-mulk was killed at the head of his cavalry and the Sultan’s army fled to Guja- rāt. The Sultan now sent Nasrat-ul-mulk, but he too failed to achieve any success against Rai Mal, who continued to ravage the country. ¹ K. Shyamaldas’ Vir Vinod and Briggs’ Ferishta, p. 83. ² A. K. Forbes’ Ras Mala, p. 294. 55

CHAPTER VI. WAR WITH SULTAN IBRAHIM LODI. ON the death of Sultan Sikander Lodi in A.D. 1517, his son Ibrahim succeeded him. He was engaged in putting down the revolts of his nobles, when news of Sāngā's encroachments reached him. He prepared an army and marched against Mewar. The Maharana advanced to meet him and the two armies met near the village of Khatoli on the borders of Haravati (Haraoti). The Delhi army could not stand the onslaught of the Rajputs, and after a fight lasting two pahars (5 hours), it gave way and fled, followed by the Sultan himself, leaving a Lodi prince prisoner in the hands of Sāngā. The prince was released after a few days on payment of a ransom.- In this battle, the Maharana lost his left arm by a sword cut, and an arrow made him lame for life. ¹ Duff's Chronology of India, p. 271. 56

Maharana Sāngā. An incident which occurred about this time illustrates the Hindu ideal of kingship. That ideal was not that of dominating the will of the people, and of ruling the country as of inalienable personal right. The ideal was that the king was the chief executive officer of the people, that he was to subordinate personal comfort, ambition and activity to their general welfare, to look upon administration as a duty rather than a right, and to resign the position as soon as the qualification necessary for rendering service was lost. It was after long treatment that the Maha- rana's wounds received in the battle against Ibrahim were healed and the Maharana restored to health. In order to celebrate the occasion, the Maharana invited the friendly kings to a Darbar, where the entire vassal- age and nobility of Mewar assembled to do homage to their sovereign, and tender their congratulations to him on his recovery. When the nobles and the chieftains of Mewar and the chiefs and kings of neighbouring States had assembled, the Maharana entered 57

Maharana Sāngā. the grand assembly in due form. He was duly greeted on his entry into the Darbar. But contrary to the usual practice of raising both hands only up to the chest, as is the established custom of the kings of Mewar, the Maharana raised his right hand up to the head and bowed to those present. The whole assembly was filled with astonishment, which was increased when, on the nobles taking their accustomed seats, the Maharana instead of occupying the royal throne, took his seat on the floor, like other nobles. Whispers filled the hall, some going so far as to suggest that long illness had affected the mind of the Maharana. At last Rawat Ratan Singh of Salumbar, with due respect, enquired of the Maharana the reason of his returning their greetings in an unusual manner and of taking his seat below the throne, and thus acting against the established usages of the crown. On this, the Maharana got up, and raising his voice so as to make it audible to those sitting in the furthest corners of the hall declared that it was an ancient and well-established rule in India that when 58

Maharana Sanga. an idol was injured and a part of it knocked off, it ceased to be a fit object of worship, and another one was installed in its place. Similarly, the royal throne being a place of worship for the people, its occupant should also be a person who is entire and who is able to render full service to the State; that he had lost one arm and the full use of a leg, in addition to an eye, and was therefore, in his own opinion, no longer fit to occupy the throne to which all did homage. He consequently requested the whole assembly to elect as their sovereign one whom they considered a fit person to fill that exalted position, and to bestow upon him (Sāngā) suitable maintenance, so that he might continue, like other sāmants (warrior nobles) to serve the State for the rest of his life. On hearing this, the assembled kings and chiefs submitted that the heroic Maha- rana had received injuries on a field of battle, where he had, by heroism and valour, defeated the enemy and won victory for Mewar, and that he had, therefore, not lost 59

Maharana Sāngā. anything, but had become adorned with laurels, and was, in consequence, the fittest person to enhance the glory of that exalted throne. 'Thereupon Raja Viramdeva of Merta and other chiefs got up, and taking Sāngā by the hand placed him on the unoccupied throne. The resources of Ibrahim were so crip- pled by this war with Sāngā that he could not renew the contest for some time. How- ever, he carefully nursed his desire to be revenged on Maharana Sāngā for the disast- rous defeat inflicted by the latter at Khatoli. And when the rebellion of Islam Khan, which had assumed serious proportions, was suppressed, the Sultan began to prepare an army to attack Mewar. The foremost generals of the kingdom, Mian Husain Khan Zar Bakhsh, Mian Khan Khānān Farmuli and Mian Māruf "who were the chief commanders in the army of Sultan Sikander" and "were the bravest men of the age and could have instructed even Rustam in the art of war"¹ led this expedition, with Mian Makhan as ¹ Elliot's History of India, Vol. V., p. 16. 60

Maharana Sāngā. commander-in-chief. When this army reached the Maharana’s territory the Maharana advanced with his Rajputs. As the two armies came in sight of each other near Dholpur,¹ Mian Makhan made dispositions for the battle. Said Khan Furat and Haji Khan with 7,000 horsemen, were placed on the right ; and Daulat Khan, Allahdad Khan and Yusuf Khan commanded the centre. The Sultan’s army was fully prepared to give the Maharana a warm reception. The Rajputs, with their accustomed valour, advanced and fell on the Sultan’s army, and in a short time put the enemy to flight. “Many brave and worthy men were made martyrs and the others were scattered.”² This battle took place about A.D. 1518. The Rajputs pursued the fleeing rem- nants of the Sultan’s army up to Byana.³ ¹ Erskine’s History of India, Vol. I., p. 480. ² Tarikhi Salatini Afghana in Elliot’s History of India, Vol. V., p. 19. ³ Tarikhi Daudi. The Tarikhi Salatini Afghana says that before the battle, Mian Husein Khan separated from the Sultan’s army with a thousand horsemen and joined the Rana, but that he himself did not take part in the battle, though 61

Maharana Sāngā. By this victory all that part of Malwa which had been usurped by Muhammad Shah (Sahib Khan), younger brother of Sultan Mahmud Khilji II of Mandu, during his rebellion against his brother, and had subse- quently been taken possession of by Sultan Sikander Lodi, father of Sultan Ibrahim, now fell into the hands of the Maharana. Chanderi was one of the many places which fell into the hands of the Maha- rana,¹ who bestowed it on Medni Rai. his elephants were visible, and that after the battle he sent a message reproaching Mian Maruf, saying : "It is a hundred pities that 30,000 horse- men should have been defeated by so few Hindus" (Elliot's History of India, Vol. V, page 19). It further states that while the Maharana's army was rejoicing and amusing itself after the victory, Mian Husein, now joined by Mian Maruf, prefidiously fell upon it and routed it. The Tarikhi Daudi and Wakiat Mushtaki, however, make no mention of this treache- rous attack, which in view of the fact that these men had only a small following of their own, can hardly be believed to have taken place. The fact that the Maharana obtained as a result of the war a large part of Malwa and tracts up to Byana, belies this second attack. And the fact that Sultan Ibrahim Lodi had Mian Husein assassinated shortly after at Chanderi and gave rewards to the assassins, further negatives the attack. ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, page 480. 62

CHAPTER VII. CAPTURE OF MALWA AND SULTAN MAHMUD KHILJI II. IN Malwa, developments were taking place which soon brought about the downfall of the Pathan monarchy of that country. Though Sultan Mahmud Khilji II was on the throne, the real power was in the hands of a clique of Mussalman nobles who wished to keep Mahmud a puppet in their hands. Their domineering¹ conduct towards the king made him fear for his life, and when they began openly to defy him, he fled from Mandu. This was the signal for an open revolt. The nobles headed by Mahafiz Khan, placed the crown on the head of his brother prince, Sahib Khan, and proclaimed him Sultan of Malwa. Raja Medni Rai, a powerful Rajput chieftain of Malwa, came to the Sultan's ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, p. 246. 63

Maharana Sāngā. assistance. He was followed by others. The king owed his life and his throne to the fidelity and chivalry of Medni Rai, who now became the Sultan's com- mander-in-chief. When Sultan Mahmud marched towards the capital, he was opposed by the rebel forces, headed by Prince Sahib Khan. “The fate of the action,” says Ferishta, “was eventually decided¹ by the gallant conduct of Medni Rai and the Rajput infantry, who preserved a compact phalanx, and with spears and daggers broke the enemy.” Medni Rai is said to have raised a force of forty thousand Rajputs² to help the Sultan. The Sultan regained his kingdom with the assistance of Medni Rai, who now became Prime Minister of Malwa. He not only reduced the rebel nobles to submission but estab- lished the authority of the king through- out the kingdom. Some of these dis- affected persons, jealous of his increasing power and prestige, and resenting the

¹ Brigg’s Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 248. ² Bayley’s Gujarāt, page 247, footnote. 64

Maharana Sāngā. restraint, the subordinate position to which they had now been reduced, imposed on them, began to intrigue against Medni Rai, and appealed to Sultan Sikander Lodi of Delhi and Sultan Muzaffar Shah II of Gujarāt for help, representing to them that Malwa had been dominated by the Hindus, and that the Sultan was such only in name. Bohjat Khan, the governor of Chanderi, revolted and invited Sahib Khan, the rebel brother of Sultan Mahmud II, to Chanderi to head the rebellion. On reaching Chanderi, Sahib Khan was met by Bohjat Khan and Mansur Khan, an- other rebel noble of Malwa, and was crowned King of Malwa, under the title of Sultan Muhammad, Bohjat Khan becoming his minister. In response to the rebels' appeal, Sultan Sikander Lodi sent a force of 12,000 cavalry,¹ under the command of Imadul Mulk and Sayeed Khan, to help Sahib Khan to the throne of Malwa. Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujarāt also started to help the rebels. ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 253. 65

Maharana Sāngā. Sikander Khan, governor of Bhilsa, joined the rebellion¹ and began to plunder the country. With consummate ability, Raja Medni Rai overcame all opposition, vanquished the combination of the Sultans of Gujarāt and Delhi and extricated Malwa from the difficulties that thus surrounded it. Directing Malik Lado to oppose Sikander of Bhilsa, Medni Rai marched, accompanied by Sultan Mahmud, against the forces of Gujarāt, which had arrived not very far from Mandu. Muzaffar Shah was attacked and defeated with great slaughter, and fled to Ahmadabad.² The Sultan of Gujarāt being thus disposed of, Medni Rai advanced to attack the Chanderi confederates. His diplomacy no less than his generalship eventually defeated the designs of the rebels. "Hearing of the advance of the Malwa troops, Sultan Sikander Lodi, unable to spare more troops at the time, ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol IV, page 254. ² Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 254. 66

Maharana Sāngā. ordered his contingent to fall back on Delhi. Prince Sahib Khan's forces, under Muhafiz Khan and Khwaja Jahan, marched by a circuitous route to invest Mandu. Medni Rai sent a large force of Rajputs to oppose it. A battle took place near Nalchā, in which Muhafiz Khan was killed and the rebels were completely defeated."¹ Bhojat Khan and Sahib Khan now sued for peace, which was granted. Raisen, Bhilsa and Dhamoni were given to Sahib Khan for maintenance. To relieve his immediate wants, a sum of ten lakhs of tunkas² was sent to the prince, which, however, was embezzled by Bohjat Khan. This occasioned an open quarrel between the prince and his minister, and Bohjat Khan was forced to flee to the Delhi Court. Prince Sahib Khan dying soon after, his minor son was taken away to Delhi by Sultan Sikander Lodi, who sent his officers to take up the adminis- ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 256. ² Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 256. The Muntakhabul Tawarikh says that 11 lakhs were sent. 67

Maharana Sāngā. tration of the province of Chanderi¹ under the Delhi Government. Medni Rai thus vanquished the enemies of Sultan Mahmud Khilji and secured for him undisputed supremacy in Malwa.² The disappointed and defeated nobles now began to sow distrust in the mind of Sultan Mahmud himself and to poison his mind against Medni Rai. They succeeded so far as to persuade that weak and incapable ruler to embark on the assassination of his benefactor and chief support to his throne. The Sultan made the attempt but failed to achieve his object. Medni Rai escaped wounded to his residence. The army called upon Medni Rai to depose the king, but Medni Rai not only forgave Sultan Mahmud ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, page 480. ² Mr. Erskine says: “Medni Rai was a very distinguished personage in his time. He had been the means of placing and confirming the reigning king, Sultan Mahmud Khilji, on the throne of Mandu; and supported by his Rajputs, had defeated various pretenders to the crown, in bloody battles.”—History of India, Vol. I, page 480. 68