महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sāngā. anything, but had become adorned with laurels, and was, in consequence, the fittest person to enhance the glory of that exalted throne. 'Thereupon Raja Viramdeva of Merta and other chiefs got up, and taking Sāngā by the hand placed him on the unoccupied throne. The resources of Ibrahim were so crip- pled by this war with Sāngā that he could not renew the contest for some time. How- ever, he carefully nursed his desire to be revenged on Maharana Sāngā for the disast- rous defeat inflicted by the latter at Khatoli. And when the rebellion of Islam Khan, which had assumed serious proportions, was suppressed, the Sultan began to prepare an army to attack Mewar. The foremost generals of the kingdom, Mian Husain Khan Zar Bakhsh, Mian Khan Khānān Farmuli and Mian Māruf "who were the chief commanders in the army of Sultan Sikander" and "were the bravest men of the age and could have instructed even Rustam in the art of war"¹ led this expedition, with Mian Makhan as ¹ Elliot's History of India, Vol. V., p. 16. 60

Maharana Sāngā. commander-in-chief. When this army reached the Maharana’s territory the Maharana advanced with his Rajputs. As the two armies came in sight of each other near Dholpur,¹ Mian Makhan made dispositions for the battle. Said Khan Furat and Haji Khan with 7,000 horsemen, were placed on the right ; and Daulat Khan, Allahdad Khan and Yusuf Khan commanded the centre. The Sultan’s army was fully prepared to give the Maharana a warm reception. The Rajputs, with their accustomed valour, advanced and fell on the Sultan’s army, and in a short time put the enemy to flight. “Many brave and worthy men were made martyrs and the others were scattered.”² This battle took place about A.D. 1518. The Rajputs pursued the fleeing rem- nants of the Sultan’s army up to Byana.³ ¹ Erskine’s History of India, Vol. I., p. 480. ² Tarikhi Salatini Afghana in Elliot’s History of India, Vol. V., p. 19. ³ Tarikhi Daudi. The Tarikhi Salatini Afghana says that before the battle, Mian Husein Khan separated from the Sultan’s army with a thousand horsemen and joined the Rana, but that he himself did not take part in the battle, though 61

Maharana Sāngā. By this victory all that part of Malwa which had been usurped by Muhammad Shah (Sahib Khan), younger brother of Sultan Mahmud Khilji II of Mandu, during his rebellion against his brother, and had subse- quently been taken possession of by Sultan Sikander Lodi, father of Sultan Ibrahim, now fell into the hands of the Maharana. Chanderi was one of the many places which fell into the hands of the Maha- rana,¹ who bestowed it on Medni Rai. his elephants were visible, and that after the battle he sent a message reproaching Mian Maruf, saying : "It is a hundred pities that 30,000 horse- men should have been defeated by so few Hindus" (Elliot's History of India, Vol. V, page 19). It further states that while the Maharana's army was rejoicing and amusing itself after the victory, Mian Husein, now joined by Mian Maruf, prefidiously fell upon it and routed it. The Tarikhi Daudi and Wakiat Mushtaki, however, make no mention of this treache- rous attack, which in view of the fact that these men had only a small following of their own, can hardly be believed to have taken place. The fact that the Maharana obtained as a result of the war a large part of Malwa and tracts up to Byana, belies this second attack. And the fact that Sultan Ibrahim Lodi had Mian Husein assassinated shortly after at Chanderi and gave rewards to the assassins, further negatives the attack. ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, page 480. 62

CHAPTER VII. CAPTURE OF MALWA AND SULTAN MAHMUD KHILJI II. IN Malwa, developments were taking place which soon brought about the downfall of the Pathan monarchy of that country. Though Sultan Mahmud Khilji II was on the throne, the real power was in the hands of a clique of Mussalman nobles who wished to keep Mahmud a puppet in their hands. Their domineering¹ conduct towards the king made him fear for his life, and when they began openly to defy him, he fled from Mandu. This was the signal for an open revolt. The nobles headed by Mahafiz Khan, placed the crown on the head of his brother prince, Sahib Khan, and proclaimed him Sultan of Malwa. Raja Medni Rai, a powerful Rajput chieftain of Malwa, came to the Sultan's ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, p. 246. 63

Maharana Sāngā. assistance. He was followed by others. The king owed his life and his throne to the fidelity and chivalry of Medni Rai, who now became the Sultan's com- mander-in-chief. When Sultan Mahmud marched towards the capital, he was opposed by the rebel forces, headed by Prince Sahib Khan. “The fate of the action,” says Ferishta, “was eventually decided¹ by the gallant conduct of Medni Rai and the Rajput infantry, who preserved a compact phalanx, and with spears and daggers broke the enemy.” Medni Rai is said to have raised a force of forty thousand Rajputs² to help the Sultan. The Sultan regained his kingdom with the assistance of Medni Rai, who now became Prime Minister of Malwa. He not only reduced the rebel nobles to submission but estab- lished the authority of the king through- out the kingdom. Some of these dis- affected persons, jealous of his increasing power and prestige, and resenting the

¹ Brigg’s Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 248. ² Bayley’s Gujarāt, page 247, footnote. 64

Maharana Sāngā. restraint, the subordinate position to which they had now been reduced, imposed on them, began to intrigue against Medni Rai, and appealed to Sultan Sikander Lodi of Delhi and Sultan Muzaffar Shah II of Gujarāt for help, representing to them that Malwa had been dominated by the Hindus, and that the Sultan was such only in name. Bohjat Khan, the governor of Chanderi, revolted and invited Sahib Khan, the rebel brother of Sultan Mahmud II, to Chanderi to head the rebellion. On reaching Chanderi, Sahib Khan was met by Bohjat Khan and Mansur Khan, an- other rebel noble of Malwa, and was crowned King of Malwa, under the title of Sultan Muhammad, Bohjat Khan becoming his minister. In response to the rebels' appeal, Sultan Sikander Lodi sent a force of 12,000 cavalry,¹ under the command of Imadul Mulk and Sayeed Khan, to help Sahib Khan to the throne of Malwa. Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujarāt also started to help the rebels. ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 253. 65

Maharana Sāngā. Sikander Khan, governor of Bhilsa, joined the rebellion¹ and began to plunder the country. With consummate ability, Raja Medni Rai overcame all opposition, vanquished the combination of the Sultans of Gujarāt and Delhi and extricated Malwa from the difficulties that thus surrounded it. Directing Malik Lado to oppose Sikander of Bhilsa, Medni Rai marched, accompanied by Sultan Mahmud, against the forces of Gujarāt, which had arrived not very far from Mandu. Muzaffar Shah was attacked and defeated with great slaughter, and fled to Ahmadabad.² The Sultan of Gujarāt being thus disposed of, Medni Rai advanced to attack the Chanderi confederates. His diplomacy no less than his generalship eventually defeated the designs of the rebels. "Hearing of the advance of the Malwa troops, Sultan Sikander Lodi, unable to spare more troops at the time, ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol IV, page 254. ² Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 254. 66

Maharana Sāngā. ordered his contingent to fall back on Delhi. Prince Sahib Khan's forces, under Muhafiz Khan and Khwaja Jahan, marched by a circuitous route to invest Mandu. Medni Rai sent a large force of Rajputs to oppose it. A battle took place near Nalchā, in which Muhafiz Khan was killed and the rebels were completely defeated."¹ Bhojat Khan and Sahib Khan now sued for peace, which was granted. Raisen, Bhilsa and Dhamoni were given to Sahib Khan for maintenance. To relieve his immediate wants, a sum of ten lakhs of tunkas² was sent to the prince, which, however, was embezzled by Bohjat Khan. This occasioned an open quarrel between the prince and his minister, and Bohjat Khan was forced to flee to the Delhi Court. Prince Sahib Khan dying soon after, his minor son was taken away to Delhi by Sultan Sikander Lodi, who sent his officers to take up the adminis- ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 256. ² Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 256. The Muntakhabul Tawarikh says that 11 lakhs were sent. 67

Maharana Sāngā. tration of the province of Chanderi¹ under the Delhi Government. Medni Rai thus vanquished the enemies of Sultan Mahmud Khilji and secured for him undisputed supremacy in Malwa.² The disappointed and defeated nobles now began to sow distrust in the mind of Sultan Mahmud himself and to poison his mind against Medni Rai. They succeeded so far as to persuade that weak and incapable ruler to embark on the assassination of his benefactor and chief support to his throne. The Sultan made the attempt but failed to achieve his object. Medni Rai escaped wounded to his residence. The army called upon Medni Rai to depose the king, but Medni Rai not only forgave Sultan Mahmud ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, page 480. ² Mr. Erskine says: “Medni Rai was a very distinguished personage in his time. He had been the means of placing and confirming the reigning king, Sultan Mahmud Khilji, on the throne of Mandu; and supported by his Rajputs, had defeated various pretenders to the crown, in bloody battles.”—History of India, Vol. I, page 480. 68

Maharana Sāngā. but offered to continue to serve him.¹ The weak Sultan, however, left Mandu² and fled towards Gujarāt. With the help of a Rajput named Kishna, he reached the village of Bhakorah, on the frontiers of Gujarāt, where the Gujarāt governor of Dohud received him hospitably and reported the matter to Sultan Muzaffar Shah at Ahmadabad. The latter sent Mahmud "the white canopy and the scarlet pavilion," signs of royalty, and a considerable body of troops. In a few days, Sultan Muzaffar himself followed with his army to reinstate Mahmud on his throne. Medni Rai expressed his sorrow at the folly of Mahmud in thus compromising the honour³ of Malwa, ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol., IV, page 259. ² Ibid, page 259. Ferishta calls the Sultan "a fool in the cabinet." ³ The Mirati Sikandari says that though Mahmud fled, Medni Rai made no difference what- ever in the expenses of Mahmud's harem. Provisions and clothes, perfumes and money were supplied as before, and eunuchs attended to it as usual. Medni Rai declared in open Durbar that he had done nothing disloyal, and that they should write to the Sultan to return and assume care of the country and appoint another Vazier.—Bayley's Gujarāt, pp. 262-263. 69

Maharana Sāngā. but finding that Mahmud was incorri- gible, he left a garrison in Mandu for the defence of the fort and himself went to Chitor to appeal to the Maharana for aid. The Maharana only promised to march to his frontiers and await developments and to see that no harm was done to Medni Rai. He reached Sarangpur, but hearing that Mandu had fallen and that Mahmud had again assumed government he returned with Medni Rai to Chitor, as there was nothing further to be done. He, however, bestowed on Medni Rai the pargannahs of Gagrone, Chanderi and some others. Medni Rai's son, Bhimraj,¹ took up his residence at Gagrone. Sultan Muzaffar Shah also returned to Gujarāt, leaving a strong force under Asaf Khan in Malwa to support Mahmud Khilji. Sultan Mahmud was a prince not only weak and incapable but devoid of ¹ Mehta Nainsi in his Chronicles, says that Maharana Sāngā had conquered Chanderi from Baghela Mukand of Bardhwa. 70

Maharana Sāngā. common sense, political foresight and judgment. Encouraged by the presence of troops left for his protection by the Sultan of Gujarāt, he determined to invade the territory of Medni Rai, and in S. 1575 (H. 925 = A. D. 1519) marched against Gagrone. As Medni Rai held this district along with others as a fief from Maharana Sāngā, the latter resolved to punish Sultan Mahmud for this temerity : for, while the latter’s conduct towards Medui Rai gave evidence of his ungratefulness and want of sense, this attack on Gagrone showed that he was incapable of appreciating the forbearance and restraint of the Maharana, and was quite unmindful of the rights of peaceful neighbours. Maharana Sāngā advanced with a large army from Chitor reinforced by the Rathors of Merta under Rao Viramdeva, and met Sultan Mahmud Khilji, accompanied by the Gujarāt auxilia- ries under Asaf Khan. The Sultan’s forces fought bravely but could not withstand the furious onslaught of the Rajputs and sustained a complete defeat. Most of 71

Maharana Sāngā. his officers were killed and the army was nearly annihilated. Asaf Khan's son was killed, and Asaf Khan himself sought safety in flight. Sultan Mahmud was taken prisoner, wounded and bleeding. The noble Maharana had him removed with care to his own camp, where his wounds were carefully dressed and properly treated. He was then removed to Chitor, where he remained a prisoner for three months. Every comfort was provided for him, and when his wounds were healed up and he was restored to health, the high-souled Maharana, with a magnanimity unique in the annals of warfare, not only set him free¹ but restored his dominions to him, and sent him to Mandu with a strong Rajput escort. The Maharana used to treat Sultan Mahmud with great courtesy and friendship, so far at times as to make him sit on a ¹ A poet says :— राहां पकड़ छोड़बो सांगा थारे हांसां खेल हमीरह‌रा. "Sāngā, descendant of Hammir, to capture and set free kings is a joke and play for thee. 72

Maharana Sāngā. portion of his own gaddi in the Darbār. One day while the Sultan was so seated, some flowers were brought up, and the Maharana taking up, a turra (bunch) was about to give it to the Sultan, when the latter said that there were two ways of giving a thing, either to hold your hand up and bestow it on an inferior or to keep your hand low and tender it to a superior. The latter course, continued the Sultan, was out of the question, he being the Maharana's prisoner. Nevertheless the Maharana might remember that it was not for him (Sultan) to extend his palm like a suppliant merely for a bunch of flowers. The Chief of the Hindus was pleased to hear this from the Sultan and generously said that half the kingdom of Malwa went with the bunch of flowers.¹ The Sultan was filled with joy at this condescension of the Maharana, and gladly extended his palm and took the flowers. The third day the Maharana bade farewell to the Sultan and sent him with an escort to Mandu and seated him on ¹ Mehta Nainsi's Chronicles. 73

Maharana Sāngā. the throne. As a mark of subjection, the Sultan yielded to the Maharana as nazrana the jewelled crown and belt left as a family heirloom by Sultan Hoshang, the first king of Malwa. The Maharana also kept at Chitor a son of the Sultan as hostage for his future good conduct. It is difficult to characterise this clemency of the Maharana as a piece of sound policy. Though the historian Abul Fazal gives unstinted praise to the Maha- rana, and Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, the bigoted author of Tabqati Akbari, extols this act as an act of unprecedented munificence and magnanimity, yet, judged by its political results, the act has proved injurious to the national cause of the Rajputs. A true Rajput, however, is ordinarily incapable of taking a coldly political view of things. He is a hero, not a politician. Chivalry is his profession. His ideal is "to die well in battle," not "to win it." The one aim of a true Rajput is "to make his mother's milk resplendent," to perform 74

Maharana Sāngā. deeds of valour and "die a glorious death," not to win a battle by skill, strategy or scheming. A true khshtriya (Hindu warrior) never hits below the belt or behind the back, and he warns the enemy before he attacks him. The ideals that nurture his soul are spiritual, not material; not "of the earth, earthy"; they are higher, nobler than those which animate other races or nations. They produce men of sublime character but not successful men of business. "To spare a prostrate foe is the creed of the Hindu cavalier," says Colonel Tod, "and he carries all such maxims to excess." He recks not of the grave consequences which follow an act of political indiscretion. He displays when- ever occasion occurs, generosity, magna- nimity and charity to match his heroism in war, exhibiting an utter disregard of self, hoping thereby to leave an example of a life nobly ended, to be admired by posterity. Generosity towards a foe whose enmity is implacable, whose hatred is unquenchable, 75

Maharana Sāngā. whose ideals are low, whose one aim is to destroy all who oppose him, to whom destruction of an alien is enjoined by his faith, is an act of folly, suicidal in its effect, and fatal to the cause of the nation. But the latter-day Hindu judges an act not by its consequences but only by its theoretical character. This fatal defect in the character of the Hindus led to their political subjection to people of much inferior moral calibre and much lower civilization, such as those that came from the north-west. This feature of his character finds illustration through- out history. If the cruel Hun invader, Mihirgula, had not been set free and sent home after his defeat and capture by King Bālāditya of Magadha, about 528 A. D.; if Shahbuddin Ghori, (Muhammad Bin Sām) had not been liberated after his defeat and capture by the chivalrous emperor Prithviraj, in the nineties of the twelfth century; if Mahmud Khilji I of Mandu had not been set free by Maharana Kumbha, about 1440 A. D.; if Mahmud Khilji II had not been liberated and 76

Maharana Sāngā. escorted back to the throne of Mandu after his defeat and capture, in A. D. 1519; if the chivalrous Maharana Raj Singh had not spared Aurangzeb when he was completely surrounded by the Rajputs; and if Aurangzeb's son, Prince Muazzam, had not been permitted to depart unmolested when at the absolute mercy of the heir of Mewar (Jai Singh) during Aurangzeb's thirty years' war with the Rajputs, the history of India would in all probability have taken a different course. "But for repeated instances of an ill-judged humanity," says Colonel Tod, "the throne of the Moghuls might have been completely overturned." ¹ ¹ Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I, page 379. 77

CHAPTER VIII. ──────── INVASION AND CONQUEST OF GUJARĀT. OWING to his failure to cope with Rai Mal, Nasrat-ul-mulk was removed from the government of Idar by Sultan Muzaffar Shah, who appointed “in his place, Malik Husein Bahmani, entitled Nizam-ul-mulk, a man renowned for bravery.”¹ It is said that one day (1520 A. D.) a Bhat (minstrel) extolled the bravery and generosity of Maharana Sāngā in open Durbar in Nizam-ul-mulk’s presence and said : “He protects Rai Mal, the Raja of Idar, and though you may stay a little while in Idar, it will eventually come back into the hands of Rai Mal.” This slap on the face of the governor by a common minstrel roused his anger and he exclaimed, “How can Sāngā protect Rai ¹ Bayley’s Gujarāt, p. 264. 78

Maharana Sāngā. Mal?" adding, "Here I sit : why does he not come?" The bard replied that he was coming soon, on which Nizam-ul-mulk used dis- respectful language towards the Maharana. When this incident came to the know- ledge of the Maharana he decided to invade Gujarāt and punish the impertinent governor of Idar. Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujarāt on being apprised of the Maharana's invasion, sent reinforcements under Asad-ul-mulk, Ghazi Khan, Shuja-ul-mulk and Saif Khan, to Nizam-ul-mulk. He appointed Qiwam-ul- mulk, governor of his capital Ahmadabad, to bear the brunt, and himself retired to Muhammadabad instead of advancing to meet the Maharana. The Maharana started with 40,000 horse and infantry and soon arrived at Vāgadh, where Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur joined him with his forces. Rao Ganga of Jodhpur with 7,000 men, and Rao Viram- deva of Merta with 5,000 Rajputs, also joined the Maharana here.² From Vāgadh ² Chaturkula Charitra, p. 25. Rao Viramdeva had married Rana Rai Mal's daughter—Sanga's sister. 79