महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sāngā. common sense, political foresight and judgment. Encouraged by the presence of troops left for his protection by the Sultan of Gujarāt, he determined to invade the territory of Medni Rai, and in S. 1575 (H. 925 = A. D. 1519) marched against Gagrone. As Medni Rai held this district along with others as a fief from Maharana Sāngā, the latter resolved to punish Sultan Mahmud for this temerity : for, while the latter’s conduct towards Medui Rai gave evidence of his ungratefulness and want of sense, this attack on Gagrone showed that he was incapable of appreciating the forbearance and restraint of the Maharana, and was quite unmindful of the rights of peaceful neighbours. Maharana Sāngā advanced with a large army from Chitor reinforced by the Rathors of Merta under Rao Viramdeva, and met Sultan Mahmud Khilji, accompanied by the Gujarāt auxilia- ries under Asaf Khan. The Sultan’s forces fought bravely but could not withstand the furious onslaught of the Rajputs and sustained a complete defeat. Most of 71

Maharana Sāngā. his officers were killed and the army was nearly annihilated. Asaf Khan's son was killed, and Asaf Khan himself sought safety in flight. Sultan Mahmud was taken prisoner, wounded and bleeding. The noble Maharana had him removed with care to his own camp, where his wounds were carefully dressed and properly treated. He was then removed to Chitor, where he remained a prisoner for three months. Every comfort was provided for him, and when his wounds were healed up and he was restored to health, the high-souled Maharana, with a magnanimity unique in the annals of warfare, not only set him free¹ but restored his dominions to him, and sent him to Mandu with a strong Rajput escort. The Maharana used to treat Sultan Mahmud with great courtesy and friendship, so far at times as to make him sit on a ¹ A poet says :— राहां पकड़ छोड़बो सांगा थारे हांसां खेल हमीरह‌रा. "Sāngā, descendant of Hammir, to capture and set free kings is a joke and play for thee. 72

Maharana Sāngā. portion of his own gaddi in the Darbār. One day while the Sultan was so seated, some flowers were brought up, and the Maharana taking up, a turra (bunch) was about to give it to the Sultan, when the latter said that there were two ways of giving a thing, either to hold your hand up and bestow it on an inferior or to keep your hand low and tender it to a superior. The latter course, continued the Sultan, was out of the question, he being the Maharana's prisoner. Nevertheless the Maharana might remember that it was not for him (Sultan) to extend his palm like a suppliant merely for a bunch of flowers. The Chief of the Hindus was pleased to hear this from the Sultan and generously said that half the kingdom of Malwa went with the bunch of flowers.¹ The Sultan was filled with joy at this condescension of the Maharana, and gladly extended his palm and took the flowers. The third day the Maharana bade farewell to the Sultan and sent him with an escort to Mandu and seated him on ¹ Mehta Nainsi's Chronicles. 73

Maharana Sāngā. the throne. As a mark of subjection, the Sultan yielded to the Maharana as nazrana the jewelled crown and belt left as a family heirloom by Sultan Hoshang, the first king of Malwa. The Maharana also kept at Chitor a son of the Sultan as hostage for his future good conduct. It is difficult to characterise this clemency of the Maharana as a piece of sound policy. Though the historian Abul Fazal gives unstinted praise to the Maha- rana, and Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, the bigoted author of Tabqati Akbari, extols this act as an act of unprecedented munificence and magnanimity, yet, judged by its political results, the act has proved injurious to the national cause of the Rajputs. A true Rajput, however, is ordinarily incapable of taking a coldly political view of things. He is a hero, not a politician. Chivalry is his profession. His ideal is "to die well in battle," not "to win it." The one aim of a true Rajput is "to make his mother's milk resplendent," to perform 74

Maharana Sāngā. deeds of valour and "die a glorious death," not to win a battle by skill, strategy or scheming. A true khshtriya (Hindu warrior) never hits below the belt or behind the back, and he warns the enemy before he attacks him. The ideals that nurture his soul are spiritual, not material; not "of the earth, earthy"; they are higher, nobler than those which animate other races or nations. They produce men of sublime character but not successful men of business. "To spare a prostrate foe is the creed of the Hindu cavalier," says Colonel Tod, "and he carries all such maxims to excess." He recks not of the grave consequences which follow an act of political indiscretion. He displays when- ever occasion occurs, generosity, magna- nimity and charity to match his heroism in war, exhibiting an utter disregard of self, hoping thereby to leave an example of a life nobly ended, to be admired by posterity. Generosity towards a foe whose enmity is implacable, whose hatred is unquenchable, 75

Maharana Sāngā. whose ideals are low, whose one aim is to destroy all who oppose him, to whom destruction of an alien is enjoined by his faith, is an act of folly, suicidal in its effect, and fatal to the cause of the nation. But the latter-day Hindu judges an act not by its consequences but only by its theoretical character. This fatal defect in the character of the Hindus led to their political subjection to people of much inferior moral calibre and much lower civilization, such as those that came from the north-west. This feature of his character finds illustration through- out history. If the cruel Hun invader, Mihirgula, had not been set free and sent home after his defeat and capture by King Bālāditya of Magadha, about 528 A. D.; if Shahbuddin Ghori, (Muhammad Bin Sām) had not been liberated after his defeat and capture by the chivalrous emperor Prithviraj, in the nineties of the twelfth century; if Mahmud Khilji I of Mandu had not been set free by Maharana Kumbha, about 1440 A. D.; if Mahmud Khilji II had not been liberated and 76

Maharana Sāngā. escorted back to the throne of Mandu after his defeat and capture, in A. D. 1519; if the chivalrous Maharana Raj Singh had not spared Aurangzeb when he was completely surrounded by the Rajputs; and if Aurangzeb's son, Prince Muazzam, had not been permitted to depart unmolested when at the absolute mercy of the heir of Mewar (Jai Singh) during Aurangzeb's thirty years' war with the Rajputs, the history of India would in all probability have taken a different course. "But for repeated instances of an ill-judged humanity," says Colonel Tod, "the throne of the Moghuls might have been completely overturned." ¹ ¹ Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I, page 379. 77

CHAPTER VIII. ──────── INVASION AND CONQUEST OF GUJARĀT. OWING to his failure to cope with Rai Mal, Nasrat-ul-mulk was removed from the government of Idar by Sultan Muzaffar Shah, who appointed “in his place, Malik Husein Bahmani, entitled Nizam-ul-mulk, a man renowned for bravery.”¹ It is said that one day (1520 A. D.) a Bhat (minstrel) extolled the bravery and generosity of Maharana Sāngā in open Durbar in Nizam-ul-mulk’s presence and said : “He protects Rai Mal, the Raja of Idar, and though you may stay a little while in Idar, it will eventually come back into the hands of Rai Mal.” This slap on the face of the governor by a common minstrel roused his anger and he exclaimed, “How can Sāngā protect Rai ¹ Bayley’s Gujarāt, p. 264. 78

Maharana Sāngā. Mal?" adding, "Here I sit : why does he not come?" The bard replied that he was coming soon, on which Nizam-ul-mulk used dis- respectful language towards the Maharana. When this incident came to the know- ledge of the Maharana he decided to invade Gujarāt and punish the impertinent governor of Idar. Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujarāt on being apprised of the Maharana's invasion, sent reinforcements under Asad-ul-mulk, Ghazi Khan, Shuja-ul-mulk and Saif Khan, to Nizam-ul-mulk. He appointed Qiwam-ul- mulk, governor of his capital Ahmadabad, to bear the brunt, and himself retired to Muhammadabad instead of advancing to meet the Maharana. The Maharana started with 40,000 horse and infantry and soon arrived at Vāgadh, where Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur joined him with his forces. Rao Ganga of Jodhpur with 7,000 men, and Rao Viram- deva of Merta with 5,000 Rajputs, also joined the Maharana here.² From Vāgadh ² Chaturkula Charitra, p. 25. Rao Viramdeva had married Rana Rai Mal's daughter—Sanga's sister. 79

Maharana Sāngā. the Maharana came down swiftly upon Idar. Nizam-ul-mulk (now entitled Mubariz- ul-mulk) was alarmed at the news of Sāngā's advance towards Idar, and forgetting his vaunt, fled to the safe refuge of the fort of Ahmadnagar. The Maharana arrived at Idar the day following Mubariz-ul-mulk's flight. After reinstating Rai Mal on the throne of Idar,¹ thus restoring his patri- mony to him, the Maharana started in pursuit of Mubariz-ul-mulk and laid siege to Ahmadnagar. Dunger Singh Chauhan, a notable Rajput officer of the Maharana's army² was seriously wounded in the assault. ¹ The Maharana demolished the great mosque at Idar and built a temple in its place. मेलैदल सबलकलाधर मोकळ । नांम सुणैं सुरताणा नाद ॥ ईडर थकी मजीत ऊथापे । पै इडर थपया प्रसाद ॥ (O! powerful Rana Sāngā, following the example of Mokal, thou subjugateth Sultans and listeneth to their humble voice. Thou hast demolished the mosque of Idar and built in its place a temple). ² Mehta Nainsi says that Dungersi was a great Rajput, and had remained in Vagadh (Dungarpur) for some time and that Maharana Sāngā conferred Badnor on him. He adds that his sons and nephews all lost their lives in the siege of Ahmadnagar. 80

Maharana Sāngā. His son, Kanh Singh, by an act of heroism and self-sacrifice, paralleled only by the achievement of Balloo Saktawat during Maharana Amar Singh’s attack on the fort of Ontala, then held by the Imperial garrison in Emperor Jahangir’s reign, earned undying glory as a Rajput hero. When the moment for storming the fort came, the elephants refused to force open the gates, owing to the long iron spikes upon them. In that emergency, Kanh Singh rushed to the gate, covered the spikes with his body and urged the elephant to force the gates open, himself being impaled on the spikes. This act of heroism sent a thrill of enthusiasm through the Maharana’s army, while it struck terror into the hearts of the Sultan’s garrison inside the fort. The Rajputs rushed into the fort, sword in hand, and slaughtered the garrison, Mubariz-ul-mulk again fleeing by the back door of the fort. Just as he was making his exit from the fort, the same bard as had told him in open Darbār at Idar that Sanga would soon come and drive him out of Idar, appear- ed and taunted him on his flight, and put him to shame for continually showing the white 81

Maharana Sāngā. feather before the Maharana. This stung Mubariz-ul-mulk to the quick, and he halted on the further bank of the river that flows by the fort and drew up his troops, which had been reinforced by the army sent by the Sultan from Ahmadabad, to oppose the Maharana’s advance. As soon as the Maharana came to know of it, he fell upon this army and put it to flight.¹ Mubariz- ul-mulk fled towards Ahmadabad, but fearing pursuit, he left the direct road and took a circuitous route. Asad- ul-mulk and others feeling the disgrace involved in taking such a course kept on to the ordinary route, but they were pursued and slain to the last man, their elephants and equipage falling into the hands of the ¹ A. K. Forbes’ Rasmala says: “The array of Islam was broken by the fury of Rajputs, several officers of distinction were killed; Mubariz-ul-mulk himself was severely wounded; his elephants were taken, and the whole force was driven in confusion towards Ahmadabad. Sāngā Rana now plundered the surround- ing country at his leisure : he spared the Brahmans of Wadnagar, but finding Visalnagar defended against him, he took it by assault, slaying the Muhammadan governor. Having thus revenged himself for the insult which had been offered to him, he returned, unopposed, to Chitor.”—p. 295. 82

Maharana Sāṅgā. Maharana's commanders. The Maharana took the town of Ahmadnagar and sacked¹ it and carried away captive the Mussalman inhabitants. He marched the next day to plunder Vadnagar. Arriving there, he found the town inhabited by Brahmans, who prayed for protection. Their prayers were granted and the town was left un- molested. The Maharana advanced to Visalnagar, killed the governor Hatim Khan² in an action that followed, and plundered the town. After plundering Gujarāt a little longer and finding that the Sultan dared not come to the protection of his subjects, and thinking that the braggart Nizam-ul-mulk (Mubariz-ul-mulk) had been sufficiently punished and taught a good lesson, and seeing that the Rao of Idar had been restored to his patrimony, the Maha- rana returned in triumph to Chitor. ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 269. ² Ibid. 83

CHAPTER IX. FAILURE OF SULTAN MUZAFFAR SHAH'S INVASION OF MEWAR. THE Sultan of Gujarāt left Muhammada- bad and returned to his capital after the Maharana had returned to Mewar. He was grieved to see his country devastated, and began to think of avenging its ruin. He set about preparing a large army, doubled the pay of the soldiers, and gave them a year's salary in advance. At last in Muharrum H. 927 (Pos Sud S. 1577), December A.D. 1520, the Sultan sent Malik Ayaz with an army of 100,000 cavalry, 100 elephants and a large park of artillery¹ against Mewar. Another army, consisting of 20,000 horse and 20 elephants was sent under Qiwam-ul- mulk to co-operate with Malik Ayaz. Both these armies marched to Morassa. While ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 271. 84

Maharana Sāngā. they were encamped there, the Sultan, according to the Tabqati Akbari, sent reinforcements under Taj Khan and Nizam- ul-mulk. The Sultan's army ravaged Dungarpur and advanced towards Banswara. After a skirmish between 200 horsemen under Shuja-ul-mulk and others, and some Rajputs in the hills, the Sultan's army advanced and invested the fort of Mandsaur in Malwa, then in the Maharana's possession. The governor of the fort, Asoka Mal, was killed but the fort did not fall. The Maharana left Chitor with a large army and arrived at the village of Nandsa, 12 cos (24 miles) from Mandsaur. In the mean- time, Sultan Mahmud Khilji of Malwa arived from Mandu to assist the Gujarāt forces to repay the debt he owed to Muzaffar Shah. The siege was pressed but no progress was made. The Maharana was reinforced by Medni Rai's army, and Raja Silhidi, the Tuar Chief of Raisen, joined the Maharana with ten thousand cavalry. The Mirati Sikandari says that "all the Rajas 85

Maharana Sāngā. of the country round, went to the support of the Rana. Thus on both sides enormous forces were assembled. But the enterprise of Malik Ayaz did not advance in conse- quence of the ill-feeling entertained against him by the Amirs...... .....No progress was made in the siege of the fort." It is probable that Sultan Mahmud Khilji, who had personal experience of the irresistible charge of the Rajput cavalry warned the Gujarāt generals of the impending disaster to their arms, and advised them to make peace and return home. Malik Ayaz fore- seeing the ruin of his forces in the prolongation of the struggle made peace and fell back on Khiljipur,¹ and eventually retreated to Gujarāt. ¹ The Persian historians attribute the opening of peace negotiations by Malik Ayaz to ill-feeling between him and Qiwam-ul-mulk, the additional convenient reason as usual being that the Maharana offered his submission. The Mirati Sikandari says that Malik Ayaz was commander-in-chief and was in command of the main army consisting of 100,000 cavalry and artillery, and that Qiwam-ul-mulk had only 20,000 men under him, and that the latter and Sultan Mahmud Khilji were anxious to fight. Further on it says that Mahmud Khilji dissuaded Qiwam-ul-mulk from going against the wishes of Malik Ayaz, who 80

Maharana Sāngā. The Sultan is said to have received Malik Ayaz coldly when the latter waited on him at Chapaneri. The Mirati Sikandari says that not only was the Sultan very cold to Ayaz, but that all the people of Gujarāt called him a coward.¹ Rao Bhar Mal of Idar who had succeeded Rai Mal outlived Muzaffar II as well as his sons Sikandar and Mahmud II, and was alive in A.D. 1530 when Bahadur Shah of Gujarāt wished to make peace. It is thus quite clear that there was nothing whatever to prevent Malik Ayaz from continuing the war. He, however, saw the hopelessness of gaining a victory, and foresaw how disastrous would be his retreat to Gujarāt with the valiant Rajputs pursuing him in a country infested with enemies. ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, page 275. This coldness was natural after the signal failure of the Malik in the expedition, which had been entrusted to him at his own entreaty. The statement of the Mirati Sikandari that the Sultan resolved to invade Mewar the next year but gave it up, as the Maharana sent his son with tribute and elephants, is only eyewash. The Sultan's resolution to invade Mewar the next year is inconsistent with the allegation that Malik Ayaz made peace as the Maharana offered submission. If the Maharana had agreed to pay tribute, the proper time for payment was when peace was made. Malik Ayaz would have brought it with the Maharana's son, and there was then no reason for any coldness towards the Malik, and no occasion for the people to call him a coward. 87

Maharana Sāngā. marched towards Idar.¹ He survived Bahadur Shah and died after A.D. 1543, and had the satisfaction of witnessing the beginning of the fall of the great enemy kingdom of Gujarāt. The inherent strength of the Hindus enabled them to stand a temporary occu- pation of their country. They were never completely subdued or crushed. Mr. A. K. Forbes in his Ras Mala, says : "Whatever deeds of oppression and of blood may have been enacted at the time, and however the Muhammadan rulers may have chosen to believe, or the Muhammadan historians to represent the Hindus to be a crushed, subdued people, the fact remains beyond dispute that their descendants, in spite of many a subsequent danger, still possess the soil of which it was sought to deprive them ; while little but squalid poverty and tottering ruins, represent the once proud sway of the dynasty of Shah Ahmad."² ¹ Forbes' Ras Mala, page 296. ² Forbes' Ras Mala, page 297. 88

CHAPTER X. GUJARĀT PRINCES TAKE SHELTER WITH THE MAHARANA. SULTAN Muzaffar Shah of Malwa had eight sons and two daughters. The eldest son, Sikandar Khan, was the legal heir to the throne and was liked by the Sultan, who had not much confidence in his other sons. The Sultan in his lifetime named Sikandar Khan as his successor, and gave suitable jagirs to the others. Bahadur Khan had a secret ambition to supplant his elder brother on the throne, and began to intrigue for it. He ingratiated himself into the favour of Shaikh Jiu, a Mussal- man holy man, who lived at the tomb of Saint Kutabul Kutāb, near the prince’s jagir, and who declared that the prince would some day be Sultan of Gujarāt. The pretensions of Bahadur Khan became known to the army and the nobles, and 89

Maharana Sāngā. dissensions broke out between the two princes. Bahadur Khan, fearing the power of Sikandar Khan, determined to flee for safety. In answer to Shaikh Jiu’s enquiry as to what else he desired besides the kingdom of Gujarāt, Bahadur Khan said that he was anxious to wrest the fort of Chitor from the Maharana to avenge what the Maharana had done after his conquest of Ahmadnagar, “when he slew so many Mussalmans and carried their women captive.” The Shaikh became silent, but declared, on Bahadur’s pressing for a reply, that the fall of Chitor was conditional on the Sultan’s own destruc- tion. Bahadur declared his willingness to undergo the sacrifice.¹ In V. S. 1581 (1524 A. D.) Prince Baha- dur fled from Gujarāt and took shelter with Maharana Sāngā at Chitor. He was not ashamed to ask for shelter and hospitality of the very man whose destruction he heartily desired and was secretly planning to ¹ Bayley’s Gujarāt, page 305. 90