वेदों की प्राचीनता एवं काल-निर्णय / ओरायन (लोकमान्य बाल गंगाधर तिलक - खगोलीय वैदिक शोध)

146 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. Dakshiṇá remains, and the only explanation at present suggested is that Dakshiṇá means ‘skilful’ or ‘expert.’ A better way to explain these phrases is to make them refer to the southerly direction ; and after what has been said above such an explana- tion will seem to be highly probable. It is, of course, necessary to be critical in the interpretation of the Vedic hymns, but I think that we shall be carrying our critical spirit too far, if we say that in no passage in the Ṛig-Veda dakshiṇá or its derivatives are used to denote the southerly direction (I, 95, 6 ; II, 42, 3). Herodotus informs us (IV, 42) that certain Phœnician mariners were com- manded by Pharoah Neco, king of Egypt, to sail round Lybia (Africa) and return by the Pillars of Hercules (Straits of Gibralter). The mariners accomplished the voyage and returned in the third year. But Horodotus disbelieves them, because, on their return they told such (to him incredible) stories, that in rounding Lybia they saw the sun to their right. Herodotus could not believe that the sun would ever appear in the north ; but he little thought that what was incredible to him would itself be regarded as indisputable evidence of the authenticity of the account in later days. Let us take a lesson from this story, and not interpret dakshiṇá, either by ‘right-hand side’ or by ‘largess,’ in every passage in the Ṛig-Veda. There may not be distinct passages to show that the sun, or the dawn, came from the south. But the very fact that Uṣhas is called Dakshiṇá (I, 123, 1 ; X, 107, 1), and the sun, the son of Dakshiṇá (III, 58, 1), is itself very suggestive, and possibly we have here phrases which the Vedic bards employed because in their days these were old and recognised expressions in the language. Words, like fossils, very often preserve the oldest ideas or facts in a language; and though Vedic poets may have forgotten the original meaning of these phrases, that is no reason why we should refuse to draw from the history of these words such conclusions

LONG DAY AND LONG NIGHT. 147 as may legitimately follow from it. The fact that the north is designated by the word ut-tara, meaning 'upper,' and the south by adha-ra, meaning 'lower,' also points to the same conclusion; for the north cannot be over-head or 'upper' except to an obser- ver at or near the North Pole. In later literature, we find a tradition that the path of the sun lies through regions which are lower (adhaḥ) than the abode of the Seven Ṛishis, or the con- stellation of Ursa Major.* That ecliptic lies to the south of the con- stellation is plain enough, but it cannot be said to be below the constellation, unless the zenith of the observer is in the con- stellation, or between it and the North Pole, a position, possible only in the case of an observer in the Arctic region. I have already quoted a passage from the Ṛig-Veda, which speaks of the Seven Bears (Ṛikshâḥ), as being placed on high in the heavens (uchchâḥ). But I have not been able to find out any Vedic authority for the tradition that the sun's path lies below the constellation of the Seven Bears. It has also been stated previously that mere southerly direction of the sun, even if com- pletely established, is not a sure indication of the observer being within the circum-polar region, as the sun will appear to move always to the south of the observer even in the temperate zone. It is, therefore, not necessary to pursue this point further. It has been shown that the Ṛig-Veda mentions the long night and the long day, and we shall see in the next chapter that the months and the seasons mentioned in this Old Book fully accord with the theory we have formed from the evidence hitherto discussed. * See Kâlidâsa's Kumârasambhava, VI, 7,—अधःप्रस्थापिताश्वेन समा- वर्जितकेतुना । सहस्ररश्मिना साक्षात्सप्रणाममुदीक्षिताः । Also I, 16,—सप्त- र्षिहस्तावचितावशेषानधो विवस्वान् परिवर्तमानः । See also Mallinâtha's commentary on these verses.

CHAPTER VII. MONTHS AND SEASONS. Evidence of rejected calendar generally preserved in sacrificial rites by conservative priests—Varying number of the months of sunshine in the Arctic region—Its effect on sacrificial ses- sions considered—Seven-fold character of the sun in the Ve- das—The legend of Aditi—She presents her seven sons to the gods and casts away the eighth—Various explanations of the legend in the Brâhmaṇas and the Taittirîya Âraṇyaka —Twelve suns understood to be the twelve month-gods in later literature—By analogy seven suns must have once indicated seven months of sunshine—Different suns were believed to be necessary to produce different seasons—Aditi’s legend belongs to the former age, or pûrvyam yugam—Evidence from sacrificial literature—The families of sacrificers in primeval times—Called ‘our ancient fathers’ in the Ṛig-Veda—Atharvan and Angiras traced to Indo-European period—Navagvas and Dashagvas, the principal species of the Angirases—Helped Indra in his fight with Vala—They finished their sacrificial session in ten months—The sun dwelling in darkness—Ten months’ sacrifices indicate only ten months of sunshine, followed by the long night —Etymology of Navagva and Dashagva—According to Sâ- yaṇa the words denote persons sacrificing for nine or ten months—Prof. Lignana’s explanation improbable—The ad- jective Virûpas applied to the Angirases—Indicates other varieties of these sacrificers—Saptagu, or seven Hotris or Vipras—Legend of Dîrghatamas—As narrated in the Mahâ- bhârata—A protege of Ashvins in the Ṛig-Veda—Growing old in the tenth yuga—Meaning of yuga discussed—Mânu- shâ yugâ means ‘human ages,’ and not always ‘human tribes’ in the Ṛig-Veda—Two passages in proof thereof—Interpre- tations of Western scholars examined and rejected—Mânushâ yugâ denoted months after the long dawn and before the long night—Dîrghatamas represents the sun setting in the tenth month—Mânushâ yugâ and continuous nights—The five seasons in ancient times—A Ṛig-Veda passage bearing on it discus- sed—The year of five seasons described as residing in waters’

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 149 —Indicates darkness of the long night—Not made up by combining any two consecutive seasons out of six—The ex- planation in the Brâhmaṇas improbable—Summary. Starting with the tradition about the half-yearly night of the gods found everywhere in Sanskrit literature, and also in the Avesta, we have found direct references in the Ṛig-Veda to a long continuous dawn of thirty days, the long day and the long night, when the sun remained above the horizon or went below it for a number of 24 hours ; and we have also seen that the Ṛig-Vedic texts describe these things as events of a bye-gone age. The next question, therefore, is—Do we meet in the Vedas with similar traces of the Arctic condition of seasons, months or years? It is stated previously that the calendar current at the time of the Vedic Saṁhitâs was different from the Arctic calendar. But if the ancestors of the Vedic people ever lived near the North Pole, “we may,” as observed by Sir Norman Lockyer with reference to the older Egyptian calendar, “always reckon upon the conservatism of the priests of the temples retaining the tradition of the old rejected year in every case.” Sir Norman Lockyer first points out how the ancient Egyptian year of 360 days was afterwards replaced by a year of 365 days; and then gives two instances of the traditional practice by which the memory of the old year was preserved. “Thus even at Philæ in later times,” says he, “in the temple of Osiris, there were 360 bowls for sacrifice, which were filled daily with milk by a specified rotation of priests. At Acanthus there was a perforated cask into which one of the 360 priests poured water from the Nile daily.”* And what took place in Egypt, we may expect to have taken place in Vedic times. The characteristics of an Arctic year are so unlike those of a year in the temperate zone, that if the ancestors of the Vedic

• See Lockyer’s Dawn of Astronomy, p. 248.

150 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. people ever lived within the Arctic regions, and immigrated southwards owing to glaciation, an adaptation of the calendar to the altered geographical and astronomical conditions of the new home was a necessity, and must have been effected at the time. But in making this change, we may, as remarked by Sir Norman Lockyer, certainly expect the conservative priests to retain as much of the old calendar as possible, or at least preserve the traditions of the older year in one form or another especially in their sacrificial rites. Indo-European etymological equations have established the fact that sacrifices, or rather the system of making offerings to the gods for various purposes, existed from the primeval period ;* and if so, the system must have undergone great modifications as the Aryan races moved from the Arctic to the temperate zone. I have shown elsewhere that calendar and sacrifice, especially the annual sattras, are closely connected, and that in the case of the annual sattras, or the sacrificial sessions which lasted for one year, the priests had in view, as observed by Dr. Haug,† the yearly course of the sun. It was the duty of these priests to keep up the sacrificial fire, as the Parsi priests now do, and to see that the yearly rounds of sacrifices were performed at proper times (ṛitus). The sacrificial calendar in the Arctic home must, however, have been different from what it came to be afterwards ; and happily many traces of this calendar are still discoverable in the sacrificial literature of Vedic times, proving that the ancient worshippers or sacri- ficers of our race must have lived in circum-polar regions. But before discussing this evidence, it is necessary to briefly describe the points wherein we might expect the ancient

• See Schrader's Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, Part IV, Chap. XIII, translated by Jevons, p. 421. Cf. Sans. yaj ; Zend yaz ; Greek azomai, agios. See Orion, Chap. II. † See Dr. Haug's Aitareya Brâh. Vol. I, Introduction, p. 46.

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 151 or the oldest sacrificial system to differ from the one current in Vedic times. In the Saṁhitâs and Brâhmaṇas, the annual sattras, or yearly sacrificial sessions, are said to extend over twelve months. But this was impossible within the Arctic region, where the sun goes below the horizon for a number of days or months during the year, thereby producing the long night. The oldest duration of the annual sattras, if such sattras were ever performed within the Polar regions, would, therefore, be shorter than twelve months. In other words, an annual sattra of less than twelve months would be the chief distinguishing mark of the older sacrificial system, as contrasted with the later annual sattra of twelve months. It must also be borne in mind that the number of the months of sunshine and darkness cannot be the same everywhere in the Circum-Polar regions. At the Pole the sun is alternately above and below the horizon for six months each. But as all people cannot be expected to be stationed precisely at the Pole, practically the months of sunshine will vary from seven to eleven for the inhabitants of the Arctic region, those nearest to the North Pole having seven month's sunshine, while those living farther south from the Pole having the sun above their horizon for eight, nine or ten months according to latitude. These periods of sun- shine would be made up of the long Arctic day at the place and a succession of ordinary days and nights closely following each other ; and sacrificial sessions would be held, or principal business transacted, and important religious and social ceremonies performed only during this period. It would, so to say, be a period of action, as contrasted with the long night, by which it was followed. The long dawn following the long night, would mark the beginning of this period of activity ; and the Arctic sacrificial year would, practically, be made up, only of these months of sunshine. Therefore, the varying

152 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. number of the months of sunshine would be the chief peculiarity of the Arctic sacrificial calendar, and we must bear it in mind in examining the traces of the oldest calendar in the Ṛig-Veda, or other Saṁhitâs. A dawn of thirty days, as we measure days, implies a position so near the North Pole, that the period of sunshine at the place could not have been longer than about seven months, comprising, of course, a long day of four or five months, and a succession of regular days and nights during the remaining period; and we find that the Ṛig-Veda does preserve for us the memory of such months of sunshine. We refer first to the legend of Aditi, or the seven Âdityas (suns), which is obviously based on some natural phenomenon. This legend expressly tells us that the oldest number of Âdityas or suns was seven, and the same idea is independently found in many other places in the Ṛig-Veda. Thus in IX, 114, 3, seven Âdityas and seven priests are men- tioned together, though the names of the different suns are not given therein. In II, 27, 1, Mitra, Aryaman, Bhaga, Varuṇa, Dakṣha and Aṁsha are mentioned by name as so many dif- ferent Âdityas, but the seventh 'is not named. This omission does not, however, mean much, as the septenary character of the sun is quite patent from the fact that he is called saptâ- shva (seven-horsed) in V, 45, 9, and his 'seven-wheeled' chariot is said to be drawn by 'seven bay steeds' (I, 50, 8), or by a single horse 'with seven names' in I, 164, 2. The Atharva Veda also speaks of "the seven bright rays of the sun" (VII, 107, 1); and the epithet Âditya, as applied to the sun in the Ṛig-Veda, is rendered more clearly by Aditeḥ putraḥ (Aditi's son) in A. V. XIII, 2, 9. Sâyaṇa, following Yâska, derives this seven-fold character of the sun from his seven rays; but why solar rays were taken to be seven still re- mains unexplained, unless we hold that the Vedic bards had anticipated the discovery of seven prismatic rays or colours,

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 153 which were unknown even to Yâska or Sâyaṇa. Again though the existence of seven suns may be explained. on this hypothesis, yet it fails to account for the death of the eighth sun ; for the legend of Aditi (Ṛig. X, 72, 8-9) tells us, "Of the eight sons of Aditi, who were born from her body, she approached the gods with seven, and cast out Mârtâṇḍa. With seven sons Aditi approached (the gods) in the former age (pûrvyam yugam); she brought thi- ther Mârtâṇḍa again for birth and death."* The story is discus- sed in various places in the Vedic literature, and many other attempts, unfortunately all unsatisfactory, have been made to explain it in a rational and intelligent way. Thus in the Taittirî- ya Saṁhitâ, VI, 5, 6, 1 f., the story of Aditi cooking a Brahmau- dana oblation for the gods, the Sâdhyas, is narrated. The remnant of the oblation was given to her by the gods, and four Âdityas were born to her from it. She then cooked a second oblation, and ate it herself first; but the Âditya born from it was an imperfect egg. She cooked a third time and the Âditya Vivasvat, the progenitor of man, was born. But the Saṁhitâ does not give the number and names of the eight Âdityas, and this omission is supplied by the Taittirîya Brâhmaṇa (I, 1, 9, 1 f.). The Brâhmaṇa tells us that Aditi cooked the oblation four times, and each time the gods gave her the remnant of the oblation. Four pairs of sons were thus born to her; the first pair was Dhâtṛi and Aryaman, the second Mitra and Varuṇa, the third Aṁsha and Bhaga and the fourth Indra and Vivasvat. But the Brâhmaṇa does not explain why the eighth son was called Mârtâṇḍa, and cast away. The Taittirîya Âraṇyaka, I, 13, 2-3, (cited by Sâyaṇa in his gloss on Ṛig. II, 27, 1, and X, 72, 8.), first quotes the two verses

• Ṛig. X, 72, 8 & 9:— अष्टौ पुत्रासो अदितेर्ये जातास्तन्वस्परि । देवाँ उप प्रैत्सप्तभिः परा मार्ताण्डमास्यत् ॥ सप्तभिः पुत्रैरदितिरुप प्रैत्पूर्व्यं युगं । प्रजायै मृत्यवे त्वत्पुनर्मात्तांण्डमाभरत् ॥ For त्वत्पुनः in the second verse the Taittirîya Âraṇyaka, 1, 13, 3, reads तत्परा, see infra.

154 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. from the Ṛig-Veda (X, 72, 8 and 9), which give the legend of Aditi but with a slightly different reading for the second line of the second verse. Thus, instead of tvat punaḥ Mârtâṇḍam â abharat (she brought again Mârtâṇḍa thither for birth and death), the Âraṇyaka reads tat parâ Mârtâṇḍam â abharat (she set aside Mârtâṇḍa for birth and death). The Âraṇyaka then proceeds to give the names of the eight sons, as Mitra, Varuṇa, Dhâtṛi, Aryaman, Aṁsha, Bhaga, Indra and Vivasvat. But no further explanation is added, nor are we told which of these eight sons represented Mârtâṇḍa. There is, however; another passage in the Âraṇyaka (I, 7, 1–6) which throws some light on the nature of these Âdityas.* The names of the suns here given are different. They are:—Âroga, Bhrâja, Patara, Pataṅga, Svarṇara, Jyotiṣhî- mat, Vibhâsa and Kashyapa ; the last of which is said to remain constantly at the great mount Meru, permanently illumining that region. The other seven suns are said to derive their light from Kashyapa and to be alone visible to man. We are then told that these seven suns are considered by some Âchâryas to be the seven manifestations of the Prâṇas, or the vital powers in man ; while others are said to hold the opinion that they are the types of seven officiating priests *. See Taittirîya Âraṇyaka, 1, 7,—आरोगोभ्राजः पटरः पतंगः । स्वर्णरो ज्योतिषीमान् विभासः ।...। कश्यपोष्टमः । स महामेरुं न जहाति ।...। ते अस्मै सर्वे कश्यपाज्ज्योतिर्लभन्ते । ...। सप्त शीर्षण्याः प्राणाः सूर्या इत्याचार्याः ...। सप्तर्त्विजः सूर्या इत्याचार्याः । तेषामेषाभवति । “सप्त दिशो नानासूर्याः सप्त होतार ऋत्विजः । देवा आदित्या ये सप्त तेभिः सोमाभि रक्ष न” इति ( Ṛig. IX, 114, 3 ) । तदप्याह्नायः । दिग्भ्राज ऋतून् करोति । एतच्चैवावृता सहस्रसूर्यताया इति वैशंपायनः ।......। नानालिंगत्वादृतूनां नानासूर्यत्वं । अष्टौ तु व्यवसिता इति । Upon this Sâyaṇa says:—‘ दिग्भ्राजः ’ तान् तान् दिशं प्राप्यावस्थिताः सूर्याः ‘ ऋतून्’ वसंतादिसूचितानृतुधर्मान् , ‘ करोति ’ तस्यां तस्यां दिशि कुर्वंति । न हि ऋतु- निष्पादकसूर्यव्यतिरेकेण तत्तहतुधर्माः संभवंति । तस्मात्संत्येव दिक्षु विभिन्नाः सूर्याः । And again नानालिंगत्वादिति । यद्येक एव सूर्यः स्यात् तदानीं वसंताद्यृतूनां नाना- लिंगत्वं न स्यात् । न हि कारणभेदमन्तरेण कार्यभेदः संभवति । तस्माहतुधर्मवैलक्षण्यसिद्धये बहुसूर्यत्वमभ्युपेयम् ।...। 'अष्टौ तु व्यवसिता' इति । बाढम्, संत्येक तत्तल्लिंगकल्पा अनन्ताः सूर्याः । किन्तु तत्रारित कश्चिद्विशेषः । 'व्यवसिताः' निश्चिताः ।

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 155 (ṛitvijaḥ). A third explanation is then put forward, viz., that the distinction of seven suns is probably based on the different effects of sun's rays in different months or seasons, and in support of it a Mantra, or Vedic verse, Dig-bhrâja ṛitûn karoti, (resorting to, or shining in, different regions (they) make the seasons), is quoted. I have not been able to find the Mantra in the existing Saṁhitâs, nor does Sâyaṇa give us any clue to it, but simply observes "the different features of different seasons cannot be accounted for, except by supposing them to have been caused by different suns; therefore, different suns must exist in different regions".* But this explanation is open to the objection (actually raised by Vaishampâyana), that we shall have, on this theory, to assume the existence of thousands of suns as the characteristics of the seasons are so numerous. The Âraṇyaka admits, to a certain extent, the force of this objection, but says—aṣhṭau tu vyavasitâḥ, meaning that the number eight is settled by the text of the scripture, and there is no further arguing about it. The Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa, III, 1, 3, 3, explains the le- gend of Aditi somewhat on the same lines. It says that seven alone of Aditi's sons are styled Devâḥ Âdityâḥ (the gods Âdityas) by men, and that the eighth Mârtâṇḍa was born undeveloped, whereupon the Âditya gods created man and other animals out of him. In two other passages of the Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa, VI, 1, 2, 8, and XI, 6, 3, 8, the num- ber of Âdityas is, however, given as twelve. In the first (VI, 1, 2, 8) they are said to have sprung from twelve drops generated by Prajâpati and then placed in different regions (dikshu); while in the second (XI, 6, 3, 8)† these

• See Sâyaṇa's explanation quoted on the last page. † Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa, VI, 1, 2, 8,—स मनसैव वाचं मिथुनं समभवत् स द्वादश द्रप्सान् गर्ब्भवत् । ते द्वादशादित्या असृज्यंत तान्दिक्षूपदधात् । Again XI, 6, 3, 8—कतम आदित्या इति । द्वादश मासाः संवत्सरस्यैत आदित्याः ।

156 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. twelve Âdityas are identified with the twelve months of the year. The number of Âdityas is also given as twelve in the Upaniṣhads : while in the post-Vedic literature they are every- where said to be twelve, answering to the twelve months f the year. Muir, in his Original Sanskrit Texts, Volumes IV and V, gives most of these passages, but offers no explanation as to the legend of Aditi, except such as is to be found in the passages quoted. There are many different speculations or theories of Western Scholars regarding the nature and character of Aditi, but as far as the number of Âdityas is concerned, I know of no satisfactory explanation as yet suggested by them. On the con- trary the tendency is, as observed by Prof. Max Muller, to regard the number, seven or eight, as unconnected with any solar move- ments. A suggestion is made that the eight Âdityas may be taken to represent the eight cardinal points of the compass, but the death or casting away of the eighth Âditya seals the fate of this explanation, which thus seems to have been put forward only to be rejected like Mârtâṇḍa, the eighth Âditya. We have here referred to, or quoted, the texts and passages bearing on Aditi's legend, or the number of Âdityas, at some length, in order to show how we are apt to run into wild spe- culations about the meaning of a simple legend when the key to it is lost. That the twelve Âdityas are understood to represent the twelve month-gods in later Vedic literature is evident from the passage in the Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa (XI, 6, 3, 8=Bṛih. Ârṇ. Up. III, 9, 5), which says "There are twelve months of the year ; these are the Âdityas." With this explanation before us, and the belief that different seasonal changes could be explained only by assuming the existence of different suns, it required no . very great stretch of imagination to infer that if twelve Âdityas now represent the twelve months of the year, the seven Âdityas must have once (pûrvyam yugam) represented the seven

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 157 months of the year. But this explanation, reasonable though it was, did not commend itself, or we might even say, occur to Vedic scholars, who believed that the home of the Aryans lay somewhere in Central Asia. It is, therefore, satisfactory to find that the idea of different suns producing different months is recognised so expressly in the Taittirīya Âraṇyaka, which quotes a Vedic text, not now available, in support thereof, and finally pronounces in favour of the theory, which regards the seven suns as presiding over seven different heavenly regions and thereby producing different seasons, in spite of the objection that it would lead to the assumption of thousands of suns—an objection, which the Âraṇyaka disposes of summarily by observing that eight is a settled number, and that we have no right to change it. That this explanation is the most probable of all is further evident from Ṛig. IX, 114, 3, which says "There are seven sky-regions (sapta dishaḥ), with their different suns (nānā sūryāḥ), there are seven Hotṛis as priests, those who are the seven gods, the Âdityas,—with them, O Soma! protect us." Here nānā-sūryāḥ is an adjective which qualifies dishaḥ (sapta), and the co-relation between seven regions and seven suns is thus expressly recognised. Therefore, the simplest explanation of Aditi's legend is that she presented to the gods, that is, brought forth into heavens, her seven sons, the Âdityas, to form the seven months of sunshine in the place. She had an eighth son, but he was born in an undeveloped state, or, was, what we may call, still- born; evidently meaning that the eighth month was not a month of sunshine, or that the period of darkness at the place commen- ced with the eighth month. All this occured not in this age, but in the previous age, and the words pūrvyam yugam in X, 72, 9, are very important from this point of view. The word yuga is evi- dently used to denote a period of time in the first and second verses of the hymn, which refer to the former age of the gods;

158 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. (devānāṁ pūrve yuge) and also of the later age (uttare yuge). Western scholars are accustomed to interpret yuga to mean 'a generation of men' almost in every place where the phrase is met with; and we shall have to consider the correctness of this interpretation later on. For the purpose of this legend it is enough to state that the phrase pūrvyam yugam occurs twice in the hymn, and that where it first occurs (in verse 2), it clearly denotes 'an early age' or 'some division of time.' Naturally enough we must, therefore, interpret it in the same way where it occurs again in the same hymn, viz., in the verse describing the legend of Aditi's seven sons. The sun having seven rays, or seven horses, also implies the same idea differently expressed. The seven months of sunshine, with their different temperatures, are represented by seven suns producing these different results by being differently located, or as having different kinds of rays, or as having different chariots, or horses, or different wheels to the same chariot. It is one and the same idea in different forms, or as the Ṛig-Veda puts it, "one horse with seven names," (I, 164, 2). A long dawn of thirty days indicates a period of sunshine for seven months; and we now see that the legend of Aditi is intelligible only if we interpret it as a relic of a time when there were seven flourishing month-gods, and the eighth was either still- born, or cast away. Mārtāṇḍa is etymologically derived from mārta meaning 'dead or undeveloped', (being connected with mṛita, the past participle of mṛi, to die) and aṇḍa, an egg or a bird; and it denotes a dead sun, or a sun that has sunk below the horizon, for in Ṛig. X, 55, 5, we find the word mamāra (died) used to denote the setting of the daily sun. The sun is also repre- sented as a bird in many places in the Ṛig-Veda (V, 47,3; X, 55, 6; X, 177, 1; X, 189, 3). A cast away bird (Mārtāṇḍa) is, there- fore, the sun that has set or sunk below the horizon, and the whole legend is obviously a reminiscence of the place

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 159 where the sun shone above the horizon. for seven months, and went below it in the beginning of the eighth. If this nature of the sun-god is once impressed on the memory, it cannot be easily forgotten by any people simply by their being obliged to change their residence ; and thus the sevenfold character of the sun-god must have been handed down as an old tradition, though the Vedic people lived later on in places presided over by the twelve Âdityas. That is how ancient traditions are preserved everywhere, as, for instance, those relating to the older year in the Egyptian literature, previously referred to. We have seen above that the peculiar characteristic of the Arctic region is the varying number of the months of sun- shine in that place. It is not, therefore, enough to say that traces of a period of seven months' sunshine are alone found in the Ṛig-Veda. If our theory is correct, we ought to find re- ferences to periods of eight, nine or ten months' sunshine along with that of seven months either in the shape of traditions, or in some other form ; and fortunately there are such references in the Ṛig-Veda, only if we know where to look for them. We have seen that the sun's chariot is said to be drawn by seven horses, and that this seven-fold character of the sun has refer- ence to the seven suns, conceived as seven different month-gods. There are many other legends based on this seven-fold division, but as they do not refer to the subject under discussion, we must reserve their consideration for another occasion. The only fact necessary to be mentioned in this place is that the number of the sun's horses is said to be not only seven (I, 50, 8), but also ten in IX, 63, 9; and if the first be taken to represent seven months, the other must be understood to stand for ten months as well. We need not, however, de- pend upon such extension of the legend of seven Âdityas to prove that the existence of nine or ten months of sunshine

160 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. was known to the poets of the Ṛig-Veda. The evidence, which I am now going to cite, comes from another source, I mean, the sacrificial litetature, which is quite independent of the legend of the seven Âdityas. The Ṛig-Veda mentions a number of ancient sacrificers styled 'our fathers' (II, 33, 13; VI, 22, 2), who instituted the sacrifice in ancient times, and laid down, for the guidance of man, the path which he should, in future, follow. Thus the sacrifice offered by Manu, is taken as the type, and other sacri- fices are compared with it in I, 76, 5. But Manu was not alone to offer this ancient sacrifice to the gods. In X, 63, 7, he is said to have made the first offerings to the gods along with the seven Hotṛis; while Aṅgiras and Yayâti are mentioned with him as ancient sacrificers in I, 31, 17, Bhṛigu and Aṅgiras in VIII, 43, 13, Atharvan and Dadhyañch in I, 80, 16, and Dadhy- añch, Aṅgiras, Atri and Kaṇva in I, 139, 9. Atharvan by his sacrifices is elsewhere described, as having first extended the paths, whereupon the sun was born (I, 83, 5 ), and the Atharvans, in the plural, are styled 'our fathers' (naḥ pitaraḥ) along with Aṅgirases, Navagvas and Bhṛigus in X, 14, 6. In II, 34, 12, Dashagvas are said to have been the first to offer a sacrifice; while in X, 92, 10 Atharvan is spoken of, as having established order by sacrifices, when the Bhṛigus showed themselves as gods by their skill. Philologically the name of Atharvan appears as Athravan, meaning a fire-priest, in the Avesta, and the word Aṅgiras is said to be etymolo- gically connected with the Greek Aggilos, a 'messenger' and the Persian Angara 'a mounted courier.' In the Aitareya Brâhmaṇa (III, 34) Aṅgirases are said to be the same as Aṅgârâḥ, 'burning coals or fire,' (Cf. Ṛig. X. 62, 5). Whether we accept these etymologies as absolutely correct or not, the resemblance between the different words sufficiently warrants the assump- tion that Atharvan and Aṅgiras must have been the ancient

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 161 sacrificers of the whole Aryan race and not merely of the Vedic people. Therefore, even though Manu, Atharvan, Aṅgiras be not the names of particular individuals, still there can be little doubt that they represented families of priests who conduct- ed, if not originated, the sacrifices in primeval times, that is, before the Aryan separation, and who, for this reason, seem to have attained almost divine character in the eyes of the poets of the Ṛig-Veda. They have all been described as more or less connected with Yama in X, 14, 3-6 ; but it does not follow there- from that they were all Yama's agents or beings without any human origin. For, as stated above, there are a number of passages in which they are described as being the first and the most ancient sacrificers of the race ; and if after their death they are said to have gone to Yama and become his friends and com- panions, that does not, in any way, detract from their human character. It is, therefore, very important in the history of the sacrificial literature to determine if any traditions are preserved in the Ṛig-Veda regarding the duration of the sacrifices perfomed by these ancient ancestors of the Vedic people (naḥ pûrve pitaraḥ, VI, 22, 2), in times before the separation of the Aryan people, and see if they lend any support to the theory of an early Circum- Polar home. Now so far as my researches go, I have not been able to find any Vedic evidence regarding the duration of the sacri- fices performed by Manu, Atharvan, Bhṛigu or any other ancient sacrificers, except the Aṅgirases. There is an annual sattra described in the Shrauta Sûtras, which is called the Aṅgirasâm-ayanam, and is said to be a modification of the Gavâm-ayanam, the type of all yearly sattras. But we do not find therein any mention of the duration of the satra of the Aṅgirases. The duration of the Gavâm-ayanam is, however, given in the Taittirîya Saṁhitâ, and will be discussed in

162 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. the next chapter. For the present, we confine ourselves to the sattra of the Aṅgirases, and have to see if we can find out other means for determining its duration. Such a means is, fortunately, furnished by the Ṛig-Veda itself. There are two chief species of the Aṅgirases (Aṅgiras-tama), called the Navagvas and the Daśhagvas, mentioned in the Ṛig-Veda (X, 62, 5 and 6): These two classes of ancient sacrificers are generally mentioned together, and the facts attributed to the Aṅgirases are also attributed to them. Thus the Navagvas are spoken of as 'our ancient fathers,' in VI, 22, 2, and as 'our fathers' along with Aṅgirases and Bhṛigu in X, 14, 6. Like the Aṅgirases, the Navagvas are also connected with the myth of Indra overthrowing Vala, and of Saramâ and Paṇis (I, 62, 3 and 4; V, 29, 12; V, 45, 7; X, 108, 8). In one of these Indra is described as having taken their assistance when he rent the rock and Vala (I, 62, 4); and in V, 29, 12, the Nava- gvas are said to have praised Indra with songs and broken open the firmly closed stall of the cows. But there are only two verses in which the duration of their sacrificial session is mention- ed. Thus V, 45, 7 says, "Here, urged by hands, hath loudly rung the press-stone, with which the Navagvas sang (sacrificed) for ten months"; and in the eleventh verse of the same hymn the poet says, "I place upon (offer to) the waters your light-winning prayers wherewith the Navagvas completed their ten months."* In II, 34, 12, we again read, "They, the Dashagvas, brought out (of- fered) sacrifice first of all. May they favour us at the flashing forth of the dawn": while in IV, 51, 4, † the Dawns are said "to have dawned richly on the Navagva Aṅgira,

• Ṛig. V, 45, 7,—अनूनोदत्र हस्तयतो अद्रिरार्चन् येन दश मासो नव- ग्वाः। V. 45, 11,—धियं वो अप्सु दधिषे स्वर्षां यया तरन् दश मासो न- वग्वाः। † Ṛig. IV, 51, 4,—कुवित्स देवीः सनयो नवो वा यामो बभूयादुषसो वो अद्य। येना नवग्वे अंगिरे दशग्वे सप्तास्ये रेवती रेवदूष ॥

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 163 and on the seven-mouthed Dashagva," evidently showing that their sacrifice was connected with the break of the dawn and lasted only for ten months. What the Navagvas or the Dashagvas accomplished by means of their sacrifices is further described in V, 29, 12, which says, "The Navagvas and the Dashagvas, who had offered libations of Soma, praised Indra with songs; labouring (at it) the men laid open the stall of kine though firmly closed;" while in III, 39, 5, we read, "Where the friend (Indra), with the friendly energetic Navagvas, followed up the cows on his knees, there verily with ten Dashagvas did Indra find the sun dwelling in darkness (tamasi kshiyantam)."* In X, 62, 2 and 3, the Aṅgirases, of whom the Dashagvas and the Navagvas were the principal species (Aṅgiras-tama, X, 62, 6), are, however, said to have themselves performed the feat of vanquishing Vala, rescuing the cows and bringing out the sun, at the end of the year (pari vatsare Valam abhindan); but it obviously means that they helped Indra in achieving it at the end of the year. Combining all these state- ments we can easily deduce (1) that the Navagvas and the Dashagvas completed their sacrifices in ten months: (2) that these sacrifices were connected with the early flush of the Dawn; (3) that the sacrificers helped Indra in the rescue of the cows from Vala at the end of the year; and (4) that at the place where Indra went in search for the cows, he discovered the sun "dwelling in darkness." Now we must examine a little more closely the mean- ing of these four important statements regarding the Na- vagvas and the Dashagvas. The first question that arises in this connection is--What is meant by their sacrifices be- ing completed in ten months, and why did they not con- tinue sacrificing for the whole year of twelve months? The

• Rig. III, 39, 5,--सखा ह यत्र सखिभिर्नवग्वैरभिग्वा सत्वभिर्गा अनु- ग्मन् । सत्यं तदिंद्रो दशभिर्दशग्वैः सूर्यं विवेद तमसि क्षियंतम् ॥

164 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. expression for 'ten months' in the original is dasha māsāḥ, and the words are so plain that there can be no doubt about their import. We have seen that the Navagvas used to help Indra in releasing the cows from the grasp of Vala, and in X, 62, 2 and 3, the Aṅgirases are said to have defeated Vala at the end of the year, and raised the sun to heaven. This exploit of Indra, the Aṅgirases, the Navagvas and the Dashagvas, therefore, clearly refers to the yearly rescue of the sun, or the cows of the morning, from the dark prison into which they are thrown by Vala; and the expression "Indra found the sun dwelling in dark- ness", mentioned above further supports this view. In I, 117, 5, the Ashvins are said to have rescued Vandana, like some bright buried gold, "like one asleep in the lap of Nir-ṛiti (death), like the sun dwelling in darkness (tamasi kṣhiyantam)". This shows that the expression 'dwelling in darkness,' as applied to the sun, means that the sun was hidden or concealed below the horizon so as not to be seen by man. We must, therefore, hold that Indra killed or defeated Vala at the end of the year, in a place of darkness, and that the Dashagvas helped Indra by their songs at the time. This might lead any one to suppose that the Soma libations, offered by the Navagvas and the Dashagvas for ten months, were offered during the time when war with Vala was waging. But the Vedic idea is entirely different. For instance the morning prayers are recited be- fore the rise of the sun, and so the sacrifices to help Indra against Vala had to be performed before the war. Darkness or a dark period, of ten months is again astronomically im- possible anywhere on the globe, and as there cannot be ten months of darkness the only other alternative admissible is that the Dashagvas and the Navagvas carried on their ten months' sacrifice during the period of sunshine. Now if this period of sunshine had extended to twelve months, there was

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 165 no reason for the Dashagvas to curtail their sacrifices and com- plete them in ten months. Consequently the only inference we can draw from the story of the Navagvas and the Dashagvas is that they carried on their sacrifices during ten months of sun- shine and after that period, the sun went to dwell in darkness or sank below the horizon, and Indra, invigorated by the Soma libations of the Dashagvas, then entered into the cave of Vala, rent it open, released the cows of the morning and brought out the sun at the end of the old and the beginning of the new year, when the Dashagvas again commenced their sacrifices after the long dawn or dawns. In short, the Dashagvas and the Navagvas, and with them all the ancient sacrificers of the race, lived in a region where the sun was above the horizon for ten months, and then went down, producing a long yearly night of two months' duration. These ten months, therefore, formed the annual sacrificial session, or the calendar year, of the oldest sacrificers of the Aryan race, and we shall see in the next chapter that independently of the legend of the Dashagvas this view is fully supported by direct references to such a session in the Vedic sacrificial literature. The etymology of the words Navagva and Dashagva leads us to the same conclusion. The words are formed by prefixing nava and dasha to gva. So far there is no dif- ference of opinion. But Yâska (XI, 19) takes nava in na- vagva to mean either 'new' or 'charming,' interpreting the word to mean 'those, who have charming or new career (gva, from gam to go)'. This explanation of Yâska is, however, un- satisfactory, inasmuch as the Navagvas and the Dashagvas are usually mentioned together in the Ṛig-Veda, and this close and frequent association of their names makes it necessary for us to find out such an etymological explanation of the words as would make Navagva bear the same relation to nava as