भारतकोश
द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस द्वारा

DevanagariHindipublished339 पृष्ठ

पृष्ठ 331, कुल 339 में से

संदर्भ में पढ़ें
पृष्ठ 331

A GLIMPSE OF THE FUTURE 345 7. It will seek to abolish landlordism and introduce a uniform land-tenure system for the whole of India. 8. It will not stand for a democracy in the Mid-Victorian sense of the term, but will believe in government by a strong party bound together by military discipline, as the only means of holding India together and preventing a chaos, when Indians are free and are thrown entirely on their own resources. 9. It will not restrict itself to a campaign inside India but will resort to international propaganda¹ also, in order to strengthen India’s case for liberty and will attempt to utilise the existing international organi- sations. 10. It will endeavour to unite all the radical organisations under a national executive so that whenever any action is taken, there will be simultaneous activity on many fronts. A question which is on everybody’s lips in Europe is: ‘What is the future of Communism in India?’ In this con- nection it is worth while quoting the expressed opinion of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,² whose popularity in India to-day is, according to the writer, second only to that of Mahatma Gandhi. In a Press statement issued on December 18th, 1933, he said: ‘I do believe that fundamentally the choice before the world to-day is one between some form of Com- munism and some form of Fascism, and I am all for the former, that is Communism.’ I dislike Fascism intensely and indeed I do not think it is anything more than a crude and brutal effort of the present capitalist order to preserve itself at ¹ In 1920, when Mahatma Gandhi took charge of the Congress, he abolished the Congress Committee in London and its paper India which represented the only organ for propaganda for India outside her shores. Recently a change seems to have come over him. In January 1932, just before his arrest, the Congress Working Committee, at his instance, issued an appeal to the nations of the world for sympathy for India in her struggle for liberty. ² It should be made perfectly clear that this is Pandit Nehru’s personal opinion and not the opinion of the Indian National Congress. Nor does his popularity imply that his views find acceptance among the rank and file of the Congress—just as Mahatma Gandhi’s unprecedented popularity does not imply that his followers wear loin-cloth or drink goat’s-milk.