द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

APPENDIX Since the above was written, three events deserving of notice have taken place. The plenary session of the Congress met in Bombay on October 26th, 1934. The elections to the Indian Legislative Assembly, in which the Congress Party has . been participating, began in November. And the Report of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms was published on November 2nd, 1934. The two important resolutions passed by the Bombay Congress refer (1) to a change of the Congress Constitution and (2) Constitution of an all-India Village Industries Asso- ciation. The second resolution connotes an extension of the existing Khadi (spinning and weaving) programme of the Congress and indicates that the Congress desires to emphasise non-political work. The first resolution has two principle parts. (1) Reduction in the numerical strength of the Congress delegates and of the all-India Congress Committee and (2) provision of a rule that one must habitually wear Khadi for six months in order to be elected a member of a Congress Executive. Both the above resolutions may be regarded as the Mahatma’s handiwork. According to the Congress Constitution in vogue for thirteen years, the number of delegates to be elected to a Plenary Session of the Congress was 6000, while the strength of the All-India Congress Committee was about 350. At the Lahore Congress in December 1929, an attempt was made by Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru and others to reduce the stand of the former to 1000 and of the latter to 100. But the attempt was defeated. The Bombay Congress has now reduced the former to 2000 and the latter to 155. The signifi- cance of this move in very great. When in 1920, the Mahatma seized the Congress machinery and turned out the older leaders, the forces of democracy were on his side and the Nagpur Congress of 1920 was attended by no less than 14,000 delegates. To-day, the Mahatma is afraid of the forces of democracy which he has helped to stir up, hence his attempt to 350

APPENDIX 351 reduce the stand not only of the Congress delegates, but also of the All-India and Provincial Congress Committees. Verily, the Mahatma has ceased to be a dynamic force. May be, it is the effect of age. But why did the Congress swallow the constitutional amendment? The reason is not far to seek. In May 1933, the Mahatma was able to suspend the civil-disobedience move- ment under cover of his three weeks' fast. In November 1934, he was able to alter the constitution under cover of his retirement from the Congress. On both occasions, so great was the sympathy roused for the Mahatma that emotional and unthinking people accepted everything that the Mahatma proposed, if only that would please him. The question here arises—'has the Mahatma retired? If so, why?' He has retired in the sense that his name does not appear in the list of members of the Supreme Executive of the Congress. But the executive—the Working Committee— has been backed by his blind supporters. The present Work- ing Committee is more submissive to the Mahatma than even the Working Committee of last year, of which the Mahatma was himself a member. Among the personnel of the present Working Committee, the Swarajists or Parliamentarians are conspicuous by their absence. Even, Mr. M. S. Anay who dared to differ from the Mahatma on the question of the Communal Award, is not there, despite his loyalty and sub- missiveness in the past. And poor Mr. Nariman who ventured to think independently, has been virtually kicked out of the Committee. In 1924, the Mahatma had really retired from Congress Politics together with his Party, as the Congress machinery had been seized by his opponents, the Swarajists. To-day, the person of the Mahatma may not be in the Com- mittee—but his Party is there, stronger than ever. Moreover, he has a direct control over the most important department of future Congress activity—the Village Industries Association. The so-called retirement of the Mahatma will not, accordingly, diminish his hold over the Congress machinery in anyway— but will enable him to disown all responsibility for the failures of the official Congress Party during the next few years. His retirement, therefore, is only one of his strategic retreats to

352 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE which he is in the habit of resorting, whenever there is a political slump in the country. With regard to the elections to the Indian Legislative Assembly, the latest report (dated November 24th, 1934) goes to show that the official Congress Party has captured 43 seats, the Congress Nationalist Party 8 seats and others ap- proximately 46. Among the 46 non-descripts, at least 10 are expected to be close upon sixty in a house of approximately 145 members. The Report of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms contains no surprises for one who is familiar with the contents of the White Paper. The Report is approved by a large majority of 31 members of the Committee. The Labour members of the Committee have submitted an alternative scheme which is much more liberal than the majority report. On the other hand, Lord Salisbury and four other members have submitted, and the report concedes only provincial autonomy and opposes responsible Government at the centre. The majority report has whittled down still further the already inadequate proposals of the White Paper with a view to placating the Die-hard opposition in Parliament. In view of the whittling down, it is widely believed that when the Government of India Bill is introduced on the basis of the report of the Joint Committee, it will have the support of an overwhelming majority in the House of Commons. The following are some of the important points on which the Joint Committee modify the White Paper proposals :- I. Additional provisions are recommended in relation to 'Law and Order' as follows :- (i) The consent of the Governor, given in his dis- cretion, should be required to any legislation affecting Police Acts and to any rules made there- under affecting the organisation or discipline of the Police. (ii) Records of the Intelligence Department relating to terrorism should not be disclosed outside the Police Force except to such public officers as the Governor may direct.

APPENDIX 353 (iii) For the purpose of combating terrorism, the Governor should have the power to take under his own control any branch of Government which it is necessary to use for that purpose. 2. Ministers and Secretaries to Government would be required to bring to the notice of the Governor anything that is likely to involve his 'special respon- sibilities.' 3. Upper Chambers should be established in Madras and Bombay as well as in Bengal, United Provinces and Bihar. 4. Election to the Federal Lower House should be indirect, by the members of the Provincial Lower Houses, instead of direct by voters in territorial constituencies. 5. If less than 90 per cent. of the State adhere to the Federation, additional States representatives should be appointed to the Federal Legislature to the extent of half the difference between the seats to which the Federating States would ordinarily be entitled and the full State's representation if all the States acceded. 6. The High Courts should have control over the pro- motions and postings of subordinate Judges, and the Governor should have the final word in the appoint- ment of District Judges. 7. The Governor-General should have a special responsi- bility to prevent the imposition of penal tariffs on goods imported from the United Kingdom. 8. The Legislatures in India, should after ten years, have the constitutional right to present Addresses, for the consideration of His Majesty's Government and Parliament, recommending amendment of the Con- stitution on certain specified matters such as compo- sition of the Legislatures and franchise. 9. The separation of Burma from India should be accom- panied by a Trade Agreement between the two countries binding for a specified time. As far as it can be ascertained, public opinion in India is exceedingly hostile to the Joint Committee's Report. Never- theless, the Bill, based on the Report, is expected to be put through the British Parliament before the end of 1935.