हम्मीर महाकाव्यम् (रणथम्भौर चौहान वीरगाथा एवं इतिहास)

8

mean capacity, escape stepping. into that path which even poets like Kâlidâsa² were not able to avoid ? But a poem that is replete with good matter loses none of its value for a few common- places of expression." The poem begins, as is usual with Saṅskṛit authors, with invo- cations addressed to several deities, and the author has been at the pains of making the invocations seem applicable to both the Hindu gods and some of the Tîrthaṅkaras of the Jainas. This procedure calls for remark. Nayachandra Sûri, as his name implies, is a Jain by persuasion, and his seeming to invoke blessings at the hands of the most prominent members of the orthodox Hindu pantheon is to be explained either by the freedom of thought so characteristic of the age in which the author lived, when the narrow and bigoted intolerance even of the Muslîm had begun to appreciate the beauties of the allegorical language of the Hindu popular religion, or by the strong desire of writing dvayartha ('having two meanings') verses, with which the author seems possessed.³

² Perhaps our author had in view the following lines of Dhanan-Jaya :— अपशब्दशतं माघे भारवौ तु शतत्रयम् । कालिदासे न गण्यंते कवीरेको धनंजयः ॥ ³ Probably everybody has heard of the Râghava Pâṇḍavîya Kâvya, every line of which can be so construed as to apply to either Râma or the Pâṇḍavas, at the option of the reader. I have recently been shown a Kâvya called the Sapta Sandhâna Mahâkâvya, by Megha Vijaya Gaṇi, a learned Jain of recent times, every verse of which can be made to apply alike to Râma, Kṛishṇa, and Jinendra. In the present Kâvya the first śloka of the Nândî is addressed to the Paramjyotis—'the divine flame,'—a manifestation of the divine being in whom both Hindus and Jainas, especially the Kevali Jainas, believe. The second śloka is addressed to Nâbhibhû, which may mean the Bramhâ of the Hindus, or the son of Nâbhi (Ṛishabha Deva), the first Tîrthaṅkara of the Jainas. The third is addressed to Śrî Pârśva, whom the Hindus may take for Vishṇu, the Jainas for Śrî Pârśvanâtha, the 23rd Tîrthaṅkara. The 4th śloka is addressed to Śaṅkara Vîravibhu, which may mean either Mahâdeva or Mahâvîra, the 24th Jain Tîrthaṅ- kara. The fifth verse is addressed to Bhâsvân Saśânti, who may either stand for the Sun, or Śânti, the 16th Jain Tîrthaṅkara. The sixth is addressed to Samudra-Janman, which may be either the Moon, or Neminâth, son of Samudra, the 22nd Jain Tîrthaṅkara.

9 The hero of the poem is Hammîra Chohân of Raṇaṣ- thambhapura (Raṇathambhôr), a name celebrated in Hindî song. Hammîra is one of those later heroes of India who measured their swords with the Muhammadan conquerors and fell in the defence of their independence. Even the history of the conquered is not without interest. The man who fights against hope,—fights because he thinks it his duty to do so,—who scorns to bow his neck before the oppressor, because he thinks such a course opposed to the ways of his ancient house, deserves our sympathy and our admiration. Hammîra is such a character. The poet places him on a par with Mândhâtâ, Yudhishṭhira, and Râma. This is poetical exaggeration, but we have no mean measure of praise in the following verses; and the grounds of eminence mentioned are some of the proudest that a Râjput can cherish, and a rigid maintenance of which singles out the race of the Sisodyâs of Udayapur and the Hârâs of Kotâ and Buńdi as the noblest among the chivalry of Râjasthân:— "सत्त्वैकदृप्तेः किल यस्य राज्यश्रियो विलासा अपि जीवितं च। शकाय पुत्रीं शरणागताँश्चाऽप्रयच्छतः किं तृणमप्यऽभूवन् ॥" Born in the noble house of the Chohâns, to whom, as Tod observes, "the palm of bravery amongst the Râjput races must be assigned," Hammîra tried to uphold the independence of his race and to make its usages respected, and was for a time preëminently successful in his wars against his enemies. Some of these were undertaken to protect those who had sought refuge with him (śaraṇa), and so far were disinterested. Indeed, he fell in a war undertaken to protect a Mongol nobleman who had fled to him from the tyranny of 'Alâ u'd-dîn. "In the third year of the reign of 'Alâu'd-dîn, a nobleman whom he had disgraced took refuge with Hammira, the Chohân prince of Raṇathambhôr, one of the strongest forts in India. 'Alâu'd-dîn demanded the delinquent of the B

10 Hindu monarch, who nobly replied that the sun would sooner rise in the west, and Sumeru be levelled with the earth, than he would break his plighted faith to the unfortunate refugee. The siege of Raṇathambhôr was immediately commenced, and the fort was at length captured, but the heroic Hammîra fell in its defence; and the females of his family, determining not to survive him, perished on the funeral pile.” This history of Hammîra supplies some information which the sentimental and enthusiastic annalist of Râjasthân would have gladly interwoven into the pages of his work, and which sheds fresh light on the eventful period in which the hero lived. The Hammîra Mahâkâvya is divided into fourteen cantos, of which the first four are concerned with the hero’s ancestors,—the Chohâns, many of whom were paramount lords of India. ‘The empire belongs to the Chohân’ is an admitted Indian historical fiction, and the mere mention of the names of the old kings, many of whom were the lords paramount of India, accompanied as it is with much poetical nonsense, carries our knowledge of them a step further than the researches of Colonels Wilford and Tod. The narrative is, all through, very uneven. The genealogy of the Chohâns, as given in the first three chapters, though with some more names than are to be found in Tod’s list, cannot be regarded as satisfactory. The author really knew nothing about the more ancient kings of the race; the names are simply brought in to give him opportunities of displaying his power for poetical conceits, and thus the accounts of the princes about whom he had no historical information are filled with fanciful conceptions, in which some of the natural phenomena are explained with admir- able contempt of the teachings of the “proud philosophy” of Nature. From Pṛithvirâja Chohân to the death of Ham- mîra the narrative is fairly historic; but the author now and then, even here, relapses into rhapsody which amounts to a confession of his ignorance of the historical facts of the reign in hand.

11 Cantos V-VII of the poem are taken up, according to the rules of Sanskrit epic poetry, with descriptions of the seasons, and the sports and festivities in which Hammîra engaged. These cantos, as not possessing any historical value, may be ignored in this precis of the poem. I pass over a long lecture also on Nîti- sâstra which Jaitrasingh, the father of Hammîra is made to deliver to Hammîra. Chand gives a similar dissertation on grammar in his Prithvîrâja Râsau. With these introductory remarks, I come to the Pûrvaja Varnanam, i. e., the account of the ancestry of Hammîra, and, in order to give some faint idea of the author's style of writing, I shall, in the following, attempt some sort of translation of the first few reigns. The style throughout is so ornate, inflated and redundant, and the tendency of the author to punning is so per- sistent, that a longer translation is as difficult as the task would be tedious :— "Once upon a time, Brahmâ wandered in search of a holy place where to hold a sacrifice. The lotus which he held in his hand fell on the ground as if unable to bear the superior beauty of the lotus-like palm of the god. The god from this circumstance regarded the spot where the lotus fell as an auspicious one, and there, freed from anxiety, commenced the sacrifice. Anticipating persecution from the Dânavas, the god remembered the thousand- rayed one (the Sun), when a being, his face surrounded by a halo of radiance, came down from the orb of the sun. Him, the destroyer, Brahmâ appointed to the work of protecting the sacrifice. I "From that day the place where the lotus fell has been called Pushkara and he who came down from the sun the Chohân.* Having obtained the paramount power from the

• The 'Chaturbhuja Chohân as described by Tod issued like the other three progenitors of the Agnikulas—Parmâra Parihâra Châlukya—from the Agni Kunda the sacrificial fire fountain. But the genesis is described differently in different books. Perhaps where there is no truth we must not expect to find concord.

12 four-faced Creator, he ruled over the heads of the kings, as his ancestor the sun rules over the heads of the mountains. Bali, mortified at seeing the glory of his charity eclipsed by the greater charity of this king, has hidden himself in the nether world; for what else could a man afflicted with shame do? The moon, taken to task by this prince for attempting to rival his glory, every month hides himself, through fear, in the sun's disk, and comes out as if desirous of propitiating the offended king by presenting him with the brilliant orb. The fire of the king's valour has so burnt the gardens of the fame of his enemies, that the smoke issuing from the conflagration, ascending into the atmosphere, has to this day left its mark in the blue sky. The Ś e s h a n â g a, when he heard of the fame of this prince, was tempted to nod approval, but, fearing that the earth resting on his hoods might be thereby convulsed with pain, refrained from giving way to the generous impulse. Angry that his son should rival him in glory, the king deprived the ocean of his wealth of gravity. Are not sometimes fathers made to suffer for the faults of their sons? By the name of C h o h â n, this prince became the shoot of the family tree, served by the poets; famous in the three worlds; the bearer in abundance of human pearls. In this family rose many a monarch surrounded by a halo of glory, whose lives, beautified with the triple acquisition,⁵ are able to destroy mountains of sins. II. V â s u d e v a.—“In process of time D î k s h i t a V â s u d e v a was born, who conquered the world by his valour; who seemed the very incarnation of V â s u d e v a come down to this earth for the destruction of the demon Ś a k â s. He whetted his sword, blunt with striking down the heads of his enemies, in the fire of his valour, and then cooled the steel in the water of the tears gushing from the eyes of the wives of his enemies. The goddess of victory, as if enamoured of this prince, shone in his hand in the battle- ⁵ Acquisition of artha (wealth), kâma (love), and moksha (salvation).

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field in the disguise of his sword red with the blood of the necks of his enemies that he had severed. In the field of battle, while the martial bands were playing, and the gods in the heavens viewing the performance, the king caused the goddess of victory to dance in the guise of his quivering sword. Does not the sun, surpassed by this prince in brilliancy, drown himself in the deep, and—alas! for the pain of dying—come every day above the waters in his struggles?" III Naradeva.—' Vâsudeva begat Naradeva, fit to be praised by Brahmâ himself, the delight of the eyes of women— his body surpassing in beauty that of Cupid himself. When the king went out into the world, the other chiefs, to protect their possessions, did not take the sword out of its sheath, but only took wealth from their coffers. In the battlefield his arms, bearing the brilliant white sword, bore the beauties of the Eastern Mountain, destroying the freshness of the lotuses of the faces of his enemies. It is but natural that the fire of the king's valour should have burnt down the forests of iniquity, but it is strange that the same fire should have filled his enemies with cold shakings. Methinks the sun, with his progeny, in token of submission, had fixed his abode in the toe nails of this prince." IV "Chandrarâja by his fame and the beauty of his countenance, achieving a double conquest over the moon, vindi- cated the appropriate significance of his name, which means 'Lord of the moon.' Strange was the power of the fire of his valour, for it burnt bright in the enemy in whom the stream of bravery flowed, while it was extinguished in that enemy who was destitute of this stream,' &c. The above paragraphs may suffice to show the style of fulsome eulogy used by the poet in disposing of those princes of whom he had no historical information to give. The same similes occur again and again, and often the language is stiff and artificial. I subjoin a list of the Chohân princes up to Hammîra as

14 given by our author, and below that given by Tod in his Rájasthán :- (1) Châhaman (Canto .I sh. 14-25). (2) Vâsuḍeva (ib. 26-30). (3) Naradeva (ib. 31-36). (4) Chandrarâja (ib. 37-40). (5) Jayapâla Chakri (ib. 41-52). (6) Jayarâja (ib. 53-57). (7) Sâmanta Simha (ib. 58-62). (8) Guyaka (ib: 63-68). (9) Nandan (ib. 67-71). (10) Vapra Râja (ib. 72-81). (11) Hari Râja (ib. 82-87). (12) Simha Râja (ib. 88-102)—(killed Hetim, the Muhammadan general, and captured four elephants in the battle). (13) Bhîma (nephew of Simha, adopted by him) (Canto II. sh. 1-6) (14) Vigraha Râja (killed Mûla Râja of Gujarât,⁶ and conquered the country) (ib. 7-9). (15) Gangadeva (ib. 10-15). (16) Vallabha Râja (ib. 16-18). (17) Râma (ib. 19-21). (18) Châmunḍa Râja (killed Hejama'd-dîn) (ib. 22-24). (19) Durlabha Râja (conquered Shahâbu'd-dîn) (ib. 26-28). (20) Duśala (killed Karṇadeva⁷) (ib. 29-32). (21) Viśvala (Visaldeva), killed Shahâbu'd-dîn (ib. 33-37). (22) Prithvi Râja I. (ib. 38-40).

⁶ According to the Gujarâti chroniclers, Mûla Râja reigned from 998-1053 A.V., i. e. 55 years. Soon after his succession to the throne he was assailed by two armies—that of the Sapâdalakshîya, Râja of Sakâmbharî (Sâmbhar), and that of Bârapa, the general of Tailapa of Kaliyân : see Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p: 184. Sapâdalakshîya might be a biruda of Vigraha Râja. [Bhagavânlâl Indraji points out that Sapâdalaksa or Savâlakha is the name of the Sivâlik hills, and that the early râjas of Kamaun called themselves Sapâdalakshanṛipatis; and that the Sakâmbharî râjas may have originally come from that country.] ⁷ Is this Karnadeva the same with the Karnadeva of Gujarât, the fifth in descent from Mûla Râja I. ? His date, as given by Dr. Bühler, is 1068-1093 A.D. Duśala is sixth in descent from Vigraha, the enemy of Mûla Râja: see Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 186.

15 (23) Alhana (ib. 41 44) (24) Anala (dug a tank at Ajmer) (ib 45-51) (25) Jagadeva (ib- 52 55) (26) Visala (ib 56 59) (27) Jayapâla (ib 60 62) (28) Gangapâla (ib 63 66) (29) Somesvara (married Karpurâ Devî, or, according to Tod, Rukâdevi, daughter of Anangapâla Tunar of Dehli) (ib 67 74) (30) Prithvî Râja II (Canto II sloka 75—Canto III sloka 72) (31) Harî Râja (ib 91) (Canto III sloka 73—Canto IV sloka 19) (32) Govinda of Ranathambhôr, father of—(Canto IV sloka 20—31) (33) Bâlhana—had two sons—Prahlâda and Vâgbhata (Canto IV sloka 32—40) (34) Prahlada (son of Bâlhana) (41—71) (35) Vîranârâyana (son of Prahlâda) (72—105) (36) Vâgbhata (son of Bâlhana) (106—130) (37) Jaitrasingh (son of Vâgbhata) (131—142) (38) Hammîra (son of Jaitrasingh) (Canto IV 143—Canto XIII sloka 225) Genealogy of the Chohâns as given by Tod — Anbala or Agnipâla (the first Chohân, probable period 650 before Vikrama, when an invasion of the Turushkâs took place, established Mâhâvatî Nagrî (Garha Mandla), conquered the Konkana, Aser, Golkonda Suvâcha Mallana Gulan Sûr Ajanâla Chakravarthi (universal potentate, founder of Ajmer— some authorities say in 202 of Vikrama, others of the Vîratah Samvat, the latter is the most probable) * Dola Râya (slain, and lost Ajmer, on the first irruption of the Muhammadans, S 741, A D 685) Mânikya Râya (founded Sâmbhar, hence the title of Sâmbhari Râo

• Wilford inserts here Sâmanta Deva, Mahâdeva Ajayasimha, Virasimha Vindasura, and Vasu Vibhata

16 borne by the Chohân princes his issue : slain by the Mosque invaders under Abu'l Aâs).⁹ Harsharâja or Harihara Râi (defeated Naziru'd-dîn [qu. Subakte- gin ?], thence styled 'Sulṭângrâha'). Bîr Bîllandeva, (Balianga Râi or Dharmagachha; slain defending Ajmer against Mahmud of Ghazni). Bisaldeva (classically Vîśaladêva); his period from various inscriptions, S. 1066 to S. 1130. Saraṅgadêva, his son (died in nonage). Âna Deva (constructed the Ânâ Sâgar at Ajmer, which still bears his name), his sons— Jayapâla or Jayasiṁha (A.D. 977) father of— Hursapâl (Hispâl of Ferishtah). Ajaya Deva or Anandeva, son of Jayapâla (A.D. 1000); Bijyadeva and Udayadeva were his brothers. Someśvara, son of Ajaya Deva, married Rukâbâi, the daughter of Anangapâla of Dehli. His brothers were Kanharâi and Jaitrasiṁha, Goelwâl Kanharâi's son Îśvaradâs turned Muhammadan. Pṛithvî Râja (A.D. 1176), son of Someśvara, obtained Dehli; slain by Shahâbu'd-dîn, S. 1249, A.D. 1193. Reṇasî (A.D. 1192), son of Pṛithvirâja, slain in the sack of Dehli. Vijayarâja, son of Châhaḍadeva, the second son of Someśvara (adopted successor to Pṛithvirâja; his name is on the pillar at Dehli). Lâkhansî, son of Vijayarâja, had twenty-one sons; seven of whom were legitimate, the others illegitimate, and founders of mixed tribes. From Lakhansî there were twenty-six generations to Nonad Siṁha, the chief of Nîmrânâ (in Col. Tod's time), the nearest lineal descendant of Ajayapâla and Pṛithvirâja). As observed before, up to the time of Pṛithvirâja, the last great Chohân, the poem is made up mostly of poetical bombast, in which, at intervals, a grain of historical matter may be ⁹ Tod, Raj. vol. II. p. 444. Ten more names are given in Bombay Govern- ment Selections, vol. III. p. 193; and Prinsep's Antiquities by Thomas, vol. II. Us. Tab. p. 247.

17 found concealed under bushels of poetical chaff. It is therefore useless to give a further analysis of this part of the poem. I begin with Somes'vara, the father of Prithvî Râja. After the death of Gangadeva, who was brave like Bhîshma of old, Somes'vara became king. He was married to Karpûrî Dêvî, who gave birth to a son as the east gives birth to the cold rayed beautiful disk of the moon. This son was named Prithvîrâja by the king his father. Day by day the child throve, and grew up a strong and healthy boy. After he had acquired proficiency in letters and arms, Somes'vara installed him on the gadi, and himself retiring into the woods died in the practice of the yoga. As the eastern mountain shines beautiful by the rays that it receives from the author of day, so did Prith- vîrâja shine in the royal insignia obtained from his father. While Prithvîrâja was ruling over his subjects with justice, and keeping his enemies in terror, Shahâbu-d-dîn was vigorously trying to subjugate the earth. The kings of the West, suffering greatly at his hands, chose Śrî Chandrarâja, son of Govin- darâja, as their spokesman, and in a body came to Prithvî- râja. After the customary presents had been offered, the suppliant kings seated themselves in the presence of Prithvîrâja, who, seeing the settled gloom of their countenances, asked the reason of their sorrow. Chandrarâja replied to him that a Muhammad- an named Shahabu'd dîn had arisen for the destruction of kings, and that he had pillaged and burnt most of their cities, defiled their women, and reduced them altogether to a miserable plight. “Sire,” said he, “there is scarcely a mountain-pent valley in the country but is filled to suffocation with Râjputs who have fled thither for protection from his tyranny. A Râjput has but to appear before him in arms, when at once he is transferred to Yama’s gloomy realm. Methinks Shahâbu'd dîn is Para- śurâma come down to this earth again for the extirpation of the warrior caste. The people are so panic-stricken that they abstain C

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from rest, and, not knowing from what quarter he may appear, circumspectly raise their eyes in every direction. The noblest of the Râjput families have disappeared before him, and he has now established his capital at Multân. The Râjas now come to seek the protection of your Majesty against this unrelenting enemy and his causeless persecution." Pṛithvirâja was filled with anger when he heard this account of the misdeeds of Shahâbu'd-dîn, his hand was raised to his moustache by the vehemence of his feelings, and he declared to the assembled princes that he would force this Shahâbu'd-dîn to beg their pardon on his knees with his hands and feet heavily manacled and fettered, else he were no true Chohân. After some days, Pṛithvirâja, with an efficient army, set out for Multân, and after several marches entered into the enemy's country. Shahâbu'd-dîn, when he heard of the king's approach, also advanced to encounter him. In the battle which ensued, Pṛithvirâja took Shahâbu'd-dîn captive, and was thus enabled to fulfil his vow: for he obliged the haughty Muhammadan on his knees to ask forgiveness of the princes whom he had despoiled. His vow now fulfilled, Pṛithvirâja gave rich presents and gifts to the suppliant princes, and sent them to their respective homes. He also allowed Shahâbu'd-dîn to go to Multân, bestowing on him like gifts. Shahâbu'd-dîn, though thus well treated, felt bitterly mortified at the defeat he had sustained. Seven times after this did he advance on Pṛithvirâja to avenge his defeat, each time with greater preparations than before, but each time was signally defeated by the Hindu monarch. When Shahâbu'd-dîn saw that he could not conquer Pṛithvirâja either by the force of his arms or by the ingenuity of his stratagems and tactics, he communicated an account of his successive defeats to the king of the Ghaṭaika¹⁰

¹⁰ Might not this be a name for the modern Kumbheri?

19 country and solicited his aid. Thus he obtained in the form of many horses and men from the king's army. Thus reinforced, Shahâbu'ddîn rapidly advanced upon Dehlî, which he at once captured. The inhabitants were panic-stricken, and fled from the city in every direction. Prithvîrâja was greatly surprised at this, and said that this Shahabu'ddîn was acting like a naughty child, for he had already been defeated several times by him, and as often allowed to go unmolested to his capital. Prithvîrâja, elated with his former victories over the enemy, gathered the small force that was about him, and with this handful of men advanced to meet the invader. Slightly attended as the king was, Shahâbu'ddîn was greatly terrified at the news of the approach of the king, for he remem- bered too well the former defeats and humiliations sustained at his hands. In the night, therefore, he sent some of his con- fidential servants into the king's camp, and through them, with promises of large sums of money, he seduced from their allegiance the king's master of the horse and the royal musicians. He then sent a large number of his Muhammadans secretly to the enemy's camp, who entered it early in the morning, when the moon in the west had scarcely reached the horizon, and the sun was but beginning to illuminate the east. All was now uproar and confusion in the king's camp. Some cried out, "Oh, brave comrades! up and to your arms! Haste, haste! the enemy has approached and taken us by surprise. Let us fight and return conquerors to our homes or to heaven!" While the king's followers were thus preparing to meet their assailants, the disloyal master of the king's horse, as advised by his seducers, saddled and brought forth as the king's charger that day a horse styled Nâtyârambha ('leader of the dance'), and the musicians, who were waiting their opportunity, when the king had mounted, began to play upon their instruments tunes that were the king's favourites. At this the royal steed

20 began to dance proudly, keeping time with the musicians. The king was diverted with this performance for a time, and forgot the all important business of the moment. The Muhammadans took advantage of the king's indolence and made a vigorous attack. The Râjputs, under the circum- stances, could do little. Secing this, Pṛithvirâja alighted from his horse and sat on the ground. With the sword in his hand he cut down many Muhammadans. Meanwhile, a Muham- madan taking the king unawares from behind, threw his bow round his neck and drew the king prostrate to the ground, while other Muhammadans bound him captive. From this time the royal captive refused all food and rest. Pṛithvirâja, before he set out to encounter Shahâbu'd-dîn, had commanded Udayarâja to follow him to attack the enemy. Udayarâja¹¹ reached the battlefield just about the time when the Muhammadans had succeeded in taking Pṛithvirâja captive. But Shahâbu'd-dîn, fearing the consequences of further fighting with Udayarâja, retired into the city, taking with him the captive monarch. When Udayarâja heard of the captivity of Pṛithvirâja, his heart throbbed heavily with pain. He wished himself in the place of Pṛithvirâja. He was unwilling to return back leaving the king to his fate. Such a course, he said, would be detrimental to his fair name, in his own country of Gauṛadeśa. He therefore laid siege to the city of the enemy (Yoginîpura or Dehli, which Shahâbu'd-dîn had taken possession of before this battle), and sat before the gates for a whole month, fighting day and night. One day during the siege, one of Shahâbu'd-dîn's people went up to him and remarked that it would be becoming on his part for once to release Pṛithvirâja, who had several times taken ¹¹ This must be the famous Udayâditya Puwâr of Mâlwâ, mentioned by Chanda as the great friend and ally of Pṛithvirâja.

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him captive and then dismissed him with honours. Shahâbu'd- dîn was not pleased with this noble speaker, to whom he replied sharply that councillors like him were the sure destroyers of kingdoms. The angry Shahâbu'd dîn then ordered that Prith- vîrâja should be taken into the fortress. When this order was given, all the brave people hung their necks with shame, and the righteous, unable to suppress the tears gathering in their eyes, lifted them towards heaven. Prithvîrâja a few days after this breathed his last and went to heaven. When Udayarâja learnt of the death of his friend, he thought that the best place of abode for him now was that only whither his late friend had sped. He therefore gathered together all his followers and led them into the thickest of the battle, and there fell with his whole army, securing for himself and them eternal happiness in heaven. When Harirâja learnt the sad news of the death of Prith- vîrâja, his sorrow knew no bounds. With tears gushing from his eyes, he performed the funeral ceremonies for the deceased monarch and then ascended the throne. He had not ruled long when the king of Gujarât, in order to secure his favour, sent to him some dancing women from his country as presents.¹² These girls were exceedingly beautiful and highly accomplished, and they drew to themselves the king's heart so much that all his time was usually spent in their company, in listening to their music and seeing their dancing. At last matters came to such a pass that most of his revenues were squandered on musicians and dancers, and nothing was left with which to pay the salaries of the servants of the state, who naturally were disgusted with the king and his manners. His subjects also were dissatisfied.

¹² Gujarât in ancient times was famous for the number and beauty of its dancing girls. One of its kings was forced to give his daughter in marriage to an ancient Persian king who took with him from the country 1200 dancing girls. The professional dancing girls of Persia are said have been the descend- ants of this stock! Vide As. Res. vol. IX., Bickram and Salibahan.

22 Apprised of these circumstances, Shahâbu'd-dîn thought this a favourable opportunity for destroying Harirâja and his power. He therefore marched his army into the country of Harirâja. Ever since the death of Pṛithvirâja, Hari- râja had vowed not to see even the face of the hated Muslim, and he passed his time, as described, in the company of women. He was therefore ill prepared to meet Shahâbu'd-dîn in the battle-field. As a last resource, Harirâja determined to per- form the 'sak.' He gathered together all the members of his family, and ascended the funeral pile along with them, and so went to the other world. Harirâja had no son, and Shahâbu'd-dîn pressed his followers hard. In the utmost confusion and misery, therefore, they assembled in council to deliberate on the course they had best adopt. They were now, they said, without a leader, while their army was so disorganized that it could not look the enemy in the face. Shahâbu'd-dîn was a great warrior and they were weak. It was impossible that they should be able to protect themselves and their capital. They therefore resolved to abandon the country to its fate, and go and live under the protection of Govindarâja, the grandson of Pṛithvirâja, who, having been banished the kingdom by his father, had by his bravery acquired a new kingdom and established his capital at Raṇa- thambhôr. They accordingly gathered in all the remnants of Harirâja's power and wealth and started for Raṇathambhôr. Ajmer, vacated by Harirâja's party, was now pillaged and burnt by Shahâbu'd-dîn, who took possession of the city. The followers of Harirâja were well received by Govinda- râja, and appointed to suitable offices in the kingdom. Govindarâja was paralyzed at the sad news of the fall of Ajmer, and the death of Harirâja, to whom he paid the last rites. For some years after this Govindarâja ruled well and justly. At last he died and went to heaven.

23 After Govindarája, Bálhana succeeded to the throne Bálhana had two sons—Prahláda, the elder, and Vágbhata, the younger. Being brought up and educated to gether, there was between them very great brotherly affection When they came of age, their father, who had grown old and feeble, placed his elder son, Prahláda, upon the gádi and appointed the younger, Vágbhata, to the post of prime mi- nister The old king did not long survive this arrangement Prahláda was a just king, and, as he ruled mildly, his subjects were contented One day, however, as fate would have it, he went out to the forest to hunt The hunting party was a grand one There were many dogs with them, and the party was dressed in fine clothes Merrily they went that day over hill and dale and the prey was unusually heavy Many a mighty lion was made to bite the dust While the party was thus engaged, the king saw a big lion lying at his ease in a patch of tall reed-grass, and, being dexterous with his bow, aimed an arrow at the lion and killed him The attendants of the king raised a shout of joy at this feat of royal archery, which had the effect of rousing from his slumbers another lion that was hard by, but of whose presence they were not aware In an instant the brute rushed on the king with the swiftness of lightning and seizing one of the king's arms in his mouth tore it from the body This sad accident put a stop to the sport, and the party bore the wounded monarch home, where the effects of the poison of the animal's bite termi- nated his life. The death-bed of the king was an afflicting scene He placed on the gádi his son Víranáráyana, and called to his presence Vágbhata, his brother and minister, and said to him that the three qualities of bravery, penetration, and circumspection were the main stays of a monarch, but that these were acquisitions to which people attained in their majority. Rarely were they

24

possessed by inexperienced youths. "My son," said he, "is yet a child, and he knows only how to sleep and rise again to play. Be thou, therefore, such a guide to him that he may not come to ruin." Vîranârâyaṇa from his very childhood was a naughty and unmanageable boy, and Vâgbhaṭa, convinced of this, could not find it in his heart to hold out the language of decided hope to his dying and beloved brother. "My dear brother," said he, as the tears rushed down his cheeks, "you know that no one is able to avert what is to happen. As for myself, I will serve the prince as faithfully and as diligently as ever I have served you." Scarcely had Vâgbhaṭa finished his speech when the king breathed his last. When Vîranârâyaṇa came of age, a marriage was arranged between him and the daughter of the Kachhavâha prince of Jaya- pur, and he set out for Amarapur (Amber), the capital of the Kachhavâha. On the way Vîranârâyaṇa and his party were pursued by Jelâlu'd-dîn, and had to turn back to Raṇathambhôr without being able to marry the Jayapurânî. Here a great battle ensued, but neither party obtained the advan- tage. Jelâlu'd-dîn saw that it would be difficult to conquer Vîranârâyaṇa in the field, and therefore determined to entrap him into his power by stratagem. For the present, there- fore, he returned to his country; but after some days he sent a very flattering message to Vîranârâyaṇa through one of his most trusted servants. The messenger represented to Vîranâ- râyaṇa that he and Jelâlu'd-dîn were the sun and moon in the surrounding starry heaven of kings, and that his master, ex- tremely pleased with the gallantry displayed by the prince in the late war, sought his friendship. He also represented how good it would be if they both lived in harmony and saw each other frequently; how strong they both would be by this alliance, which would be like the union of wind with fire, and which would

enable them to bear down all their many enemies. Jelâlu'd- dîn, said the envoy, now looked upon Vîranârâyaṇa as his brother, and called upon the Almighty to witness if there was aught of deceit in his heart. The envoy concluded by inviting the prince, in the name of his master, to be the guest of the latter in his capital. "Should your Majesty have any objection," added the wily man, "to accept of Jelâlu'd-dîn's hospitality, Jelâlu'd-dîn himself will come to Raṇathambhôr and pass a few days with you." At this time there was pending some feud between Vîranâ- râyaṇa and Vigraha, king of Vakshasthalapura. Bent upon chastising Vigraha, Vîranârâyaṇa gave a willing ear to the ambassador, and resolved upon an alliance with Jelâlu'd-dîn. Vâgbhaṭa disapproved of this alliance with the wicked Muhammadans, sought an interview with Vîra- nârâyaṇa and spoke against it. "An enemy," said he, "is never changed to a friend, do what service you may to him; and if you have any wish to live and govern the kingdom, you must listen to the advice of your teachers and elders, and avoid having aught to do with Jelâlu'd-dîn and the Muslims." Vîranârâyaṇa was incensed at his uncle's advice, and con- temptuously asked him not to think of the cares of the state, as they were now ill-suited to his old and weak mind; that he himself was equal to the task of government, and henceforth would do and act as best pleased him. Vâgbhaṭa, stung to the quick by this answer, left the palace and departed for Mâlwâ. Other courtiers, too, after Vâgbhaṭa had left, tried to dissuade the king from going to his enemy, but all failed. Vîranârâyaṇa at length went to Yoginîpura. The wily Muslim came out to receive him, and treated his guest apparently with the greatest respect. The prince was delighted with his reception, and became much at- D

26 tached to Jelâlu'd-dîn. After a few days' hospitality, however, the prince was poisoned and died. The joy of the Muhammadans at this event was excessive. They exclaimed that now the whole tree was prostrate at their feet, and they could help themselves to any part of it. As the king was no more, and Vâgbhaṭa had left for Mâlwâ, Raṇa thambhôr was without defenders, and easily fell into the hands of the enemy. Once in possession of Raṇa- thambhôr, Jelâlu'd-dîn sent a message to the king of Mâlwâ to say that Vâgbhaṭa should be put to death. The king of Mâlwâ, it appears, lent a willing ear to this nefarious proposal, but Vâgbhaṭa discovered the secret. He murdered the king of Mâlwâ, and possessing himself of his throne, soon gathered round him many of the distressed Râjputs. Pos- sessed thus at once of a country and an army, he made a league with the Kharpûrâs,¹³ who were already in arms against the Muhammadans. Vâgbhaṭa conducted the combined army to Raṇathambhôr and reduced its Muslîm garrison to such a plight that they vacated the fort. Thus Vâgbhaṭa and the Râjputs once more became masters of Raṇathambhôr. It was Vâgbhaṭa's policy to station large forces at different posts along the frontier and thus to keep off his enemies. He died after a happy reign of twelve years. Vâgbhaṭa was succeeded by his son Jaitrasiṅgh. His queen was named Hîrâ Dêvî, who was very beautiful, and in every way qualified for her high position. In course of time, Hîrâ Dêvî was found to be with child. Her cravings in this condition presaged the proclivities and greatness of the burden she bore. At times she was possessed with a desire to bathe herself in the blood of the Muslîms. Her husband satisfied her wishes, and at last, in an auspicious hour, she was delivered of a · 13 Ferishta says "Khakars," a Mongol tribe, who also seem to have invaded India at this time.

27 son. The four quarters of the earth assumed a beautiful appearance; balmy winds began to blow; the sky became clear; the sun shone graciously; the king testified his joy by showering gold on the Brâhmaṇs, and by making thankofferings. The astrologers predicted, from the very favourable conjunction of the stars that presided over the child's nativity, that the prince would make the whole earth wet with the blood of the enemies of his country, the Muḥammadans. Hammîra (for that was the name bestowed on the child) throve and grew up a strong and handsome boy. He easily mastered the sciences, and soon grew an expert in the art of war. When he attained a proper age, his father had him married to seven beautiful wives. Jaitrasiṅgh had two other sons also, Surattrâṇa and Vîrama, who were great warriors. Finding that his sons were now able to relieve him of the burden of government, Jaitrasiṅgh one day talked over the matter with Hammîra, and, after giving him excellent advice as to how he was to be- have, he gave over the charge of the state to him, and himself went to live in the forest. This happened in Saṁvat 1380 (A.D. 1283).¹⁴ Being endowed with the six guṇas and the three śaktis, Hammîra now resolved to set out on a series of warlike ex- peditions. The first place which he visited was Sarasapûra, the capital of Râja Arjuna. Here a battle was fought, in which Arjuna was defeated and reduced to submission. Next the prince marched on Gaḍhamaṇḍala, which saved itself by paying tribute. From Gaḍhamaṇḍala Hammîra advanced upon Dhâra. Here was reigning a Râja Bhoja, who, like his famous namesake, was the friend of poets. After defeating Bhoja, the army arrived at Ujjain, where the elephants, ¹⁴ The text runs as follows —ततश्च सप्तनववन्हिवन्हिभद्रासने माधवलक्षपक्षे। पौष्यां तिथौ हेलिदिने सपुष्ये ज्योतिर्विदादिष्टबले विलग्ने ॥