महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sāngā. of the country round, went to the support of the Rana. Thus on both sides enormous forces were assembled. But the enterprise of Malik Ayaz did not advance in conse- quence of the ill-feeling entertained against him by the Amirs...... .....No progress was made in the siege of the fort." It is probable that Sultan Mahmud Khilji, who had personal experience of the irresistible charge of the Rajput cavalry warned the Gujarāt generals of the impending disaster to their arms, and advised them to make peace and return home. Malik Ayaz fore- seeing the ruin of his forces in the prolongation of the struggle made peace and fell back on Khiljipur,¹ and eventually retreated to Gujarāt. ¹ The Persian historians attribute the opening of peace negotiations by Malik Ayaz to ill-feeling between him and Qiwam-ul-mulk, the additional convenient reason as usual being that the Maharana offered his submission. The Mirati Sikandari says that Malik Ayaz was commander-in-chief and was in command of the main army consisting of 100,000 cavalry and artillery, and that Qiwam-ul-mulk had only 20,000 men under him, and that the latter and Sultan Mahmud Khilji were anxious to fight. Further on it says that Mahmud Khilji dissuaded Qiwam-ul-mulk from going against the wishes of Malik Ayaz, who 80

Maharana Sāngā. The Sultan is said to have received Malik Ayaz coldly when the latter waited on him at Chapaneri. The Mirati Sikandari says that not only was the Sultan very cold to Ayaz, but that all the people of Gujarāt called him a coward.¹ Rao Bhar Mal of Idar who had succeeded Rai Mal outlived Muzaffar II as well as his sons Sikandar and Mahmud II, and was alive in A.D. 1530 when Bahadur Shah of Gujarāt wished to make peace. It is thus quite clear that there was nothing whatever to prevent Malik Ayaz from continuing the war. He, however, saw the hopelessness of gaining a victory, and foresaw how disastrous would be his retreat to Gujarāt with the valiant Rajputs pursuing him in a country infested with enemies. ¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, page 275. This coldness was natural after the signal failure of the Malik in the expedition, which had been entrusted to him at his own entreaty. The statement of the Mirati Sikandari that the Sultan resolved to invade Mewar the next year but gave it up, as the Maharana sent his son with tribute and elephants, is only eyewash. The Sultan's resolution to invade Mewar the next year is inconsistent with the allegation that Malik Ayaz made peace as the Maharana offered submission. If the Maharana had agreed to pay tribute, the proper time for payment was when peace was made. Malik Ayaz would have brought it with the Maharana's son, and there was then no reason for any coldness towards the Malik, and no occasion for the people to call him a coward. 87

Maharana Sāngā. marched towards Idar.¹ He survived Bahadur Shah and died after A.D. 1543, and had the satisfaction of witnessing the beginning of the fall of the great enemy kingdom of Gujarāt. The inherent strength of the Hindus enabled them to stand a temporary occu- pation of their country. They were never completely subdued or crushed. Mr. A. K. Forbes in his Ras Mala, says : "Whatever deeds of oppression and of blood may have been enacted at the time, and however the Muhammadan rulers may have chosen to believe, or the Muhammadan historians to represent the Hindus to be a crushed, subdued people, the fact remains beyond dispute that their descendants, in spite of many a subsequent danger, still possess the soil of which it was sought to deprive them ; while little but squalid poverty and tottering ruins, represent the once proud sway of the dynasty of Shah Ahmad."² ¹ Forbes' Ras Mala, page 296. ² Forbes' Ras Mala, page 297. 88

CHAPTER X. GUJARĀT PRINCES TAKE SHELTER WITH THE MAHARANA. SULTAN Muzaffar Shah of Malwa had eight sons and two daughters. The eldest son, Sikandar Khan, was the legal heir to the throne and was liked by the Sultan, who had not much confidence in his other sons. The Sultan in his lifetime named Sikandar Khan as his successor, and gave suitable jagirs to the others. Bahadur Khan had a secret ambition to supplant his elder brother on the throne, and began to intrigue for it. He ingratiated himself into the favour of Shaikh Jiu, a Mussal- man holy man, who lived at the tomb of Saint Kutabul Kutāb, near the prince’s jagir, and who declared that the prince would some day be Sultan of Gujarāt. The pretensions of Bahadur Khan became known to the army and the nobles, and 89

Maharana Sāngā. dissensions broke out between the two princes. Bahadur Khan, fearing the power of Sikandar Khan, determined to flee for safety. In answer to Shaikh Jiu’s enquiry as to what else he desired besides the kingdom of Gujarāt, Bahadur Khan said that he was anxious to wrest the fort of Chitor from the Maharana to avenge what the Maharana had done after his conquest of Ahmadnagar, “when he slew so many Mussalmans and carried their women captive.” The Shaikh became silent, but declared, on Bahadur’s pressing for a reply, that the fall of Chitor was conditional on the Sultan’s own destruc- tion. Bahadur declared his willingness to undergo the sacrifice.¹ In V. S. 1581 (1524 A. D.) Prince Baha- dur fled from Gujarāt and took shelter with Maharana Sāngā at Chitor. He was not ashamed to ask for shelter and hospitality of the very man whose destruction he heartily desired and was secretly planning to ¹ Bayley’s Gujarāt, page 305. 90

Maharana Sāngā. accomplish. The magnanimous Maharana, like the chivalrous Rajput that he was—un- mindful of the political indiscretion of pro- tecting enemies, disregarding the wise adage افعی کشتن و بچه اش نگاه داشتن کار خردمندان نیست (to kill the snake and to nurse its young one is not the act of a wise man)—received the prince " with kindness and showed him all attention." So much kindness was shown to him that the Maha- rana's mother used to call him "son." It is related that one day a nephew of the Maharana entertained Bahadur Khan at a banquet. While nautch was going on one of the dancing girls attracted Baha- dur's attention by her singular beauty and exquisite dancing. Bahadur advanced nearer and nearer to look at her, when the host enquired if he recognised her. Bahadur Khan said "No," and asked who she was. The host replied that she was the daughter of the qazi of Ahmadnagar, that when the town was sacked, the qazi was killed and his women and daughters were carried off by the Rajputs. Bahadur Khan, on hearing this, flew into a rage 91

Maharana Sāngā. and attacked and killed the Maharana's nephew. The Rajputs surrounded Baha- dur and would have hacked him to pieces, but the Maharana's mother saved him by sending word to the Rajputs not to injure him.¹ The Maharana forgave the prince, but finding that he was disliked by the people, Bahadur left Chitor and went away towards Mewat. Sultan Muzaffar Shah died in S. 1582 (A.D. 1526),² and was succeeded by his eldest son Sikandar Khan. During the protracted illness of Muzaffar Shah, the two parties in the army, headed respec- tively by Sikandar Khan and the Sultan's third son Latif Khan, con- tended for supremacy, and on Sikandar finally ascending the throne, Latif Khan and his younger brother Chand Khan, fled for protection to the Maharana. Sikandar Khan sent one Malik Latif, on whom he conferred the title of Sharza Khan, with an army to capture them. As the ¹ Bayley's History of Gujarāt, p. 305. ² Ibid, p. 307. 92

Maharana Sāngā. two princes were in the Maharana's pro- tection the Maharana sent a sardar to drive Malik Latif out of Mewar. Latif "sustained a complete defeat." He was killed in action, while his troops lost no less than 1,700 men, the rest fleeing to Gujarāt.¹ Mewar was now at the meridian of her greatness and prosperity. The greater part of Malwa had been conquered and incorporated with Mewar. Ranthambhore, Gagrone, Kalpi, Bhilsa and Chanderi were under the sway of the Maharana. Ajmer had been taken and Abu reduced, and Sāngā's governors administered both districts. Sāngā reduced to submission the Khanzādas of Mewat. The kings of Gwalior, Amber and Marwar acknowledged his supremacy and accompanied him in his wars as vassals or allies with their contingents. Maharana Sāngā had pushed back the Sultan of Delhi and made the Peela khal, near Agra, the northern boundary of his empire. Gujarāt had been plundered and then relinquished. The ¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. IV, page 99. 93

Maharana Sāngā. three Sultans on the north, south and west, Sultans of Delhi, Malwa and Gujarāt, were all defeated and kept within their bounds. The song, the first two verses of which are given below, gives the popular view of the situation.¹ According to the records of Devidan, the Barwa of the Mewar royal family, the Maharana had as many as 28 queens,² by whom he had seven sons and four (१) इब्राहीम पूरब दिशा न उलटै, पछम मुदाफर न दे पयाण ॥ दखणी महमदशाह न दौड़ै, सांगो दामण चहूँ सुरताण ॥ १ ॥ (On the east (of Mewar) Ibrahim (Lodi) cannot advance: Muzaffar (of Gujarāt) cannot come towards the west: Mahmud Shah (Khilji) cannot move towards the south (of Mewar); in this way, Maharana Sāngā has bound the feet of the three Sultans, vide Maha- rana Yash Parakash, by T. Bhur Singh, page 65. ² According to Barwā Debidān's records the queens of Maharana Sāngā were:—(1) Lakhu, daughter of Hada Rao Narbad Singh. (2) Karmetan, daughter of Hada Rao Narbad Singh. (3) Brajbai, daughter of Rāthor Jodhaji. (4) Bālkanwar, daughter of Rao Bharmalji. (5) Shyamkanwar, daughter of Hada Parbat Singhji. (6) Rajkanwar, daughter of Rao Ram Singhji Kherād. (7) Paipkanwar, daughter of Hada Rudra Bhanji. (8) Padamkanwar, daughter of Deora Abhai Singhji. 94

Maharana Sāngā. daughters. The eldest son, Bhojraj, who had married the celebrated Miran Bai,¹ — daughter of Ratan Singh, younger brother of Viramdeva, Rao of Merta, died during his father's lifetime. (9) Piarkanwar, daughter of Binai Singhji Rāthor. (10) Rambākanwar, daughter of Chandji Tuar. (11) Dhankanwar, daughter of Rao Bhanji, son of Rao Siyaji. (12) Kanwarābai, daughter of Rai Malji Solanki. (13) Ghansukhdé, daughter of Chauhan Kharagsénji. (14) Sawarbai, daughter of Hada Barjangji. (15) Gawarādé daughter of Gopji Deora. (16) Karmetān, daughter of Chauhan Shiv Singhji of Vāgadh. (17) Sultandé, daughter of Solanki Rīdhmalji. (18) Ramkanwarbai, daughter of Sānklā Jodhsinghji. (19) Rajkanwar, daughter of Hāda Akhairajji. (20) Ram- kanwar, daughter of Rao Nathji Solanki. (21) Ram- kanwar, daughter of Mota Raja, Sankla. (22) Bhagwat- kanwar, daughter of Solanki Abraji. (23) Kumkum- kanwar, daughter of Hada Madho Singhji. (24) Padamkanwar, daughter of Solanki Rao Sursén. (25) Lalkanwar, daughter of Chauhan Jugmalji. (26) Rai- kanwar, daughter of Chauhan Man Singhji. (27) Karmetānbai, daughter of Rao Surji Rāthor of Chavad. (28) Lādkanwarbai, daughter of Rao Bhan of Idar. Maharana Sāngā's sons were:—(1) Bhojraj, (2) Karan Singh, (3) Ratan Singh, (4) Parvat Singh, (5) Krishnadas, (6) Vikramaditya, (7) Udai Singh. ¹ Col. Tod has stated Miran Bai to be the queen of Kumbha. This is an error. Kumbha was killed in S. 1524 (A.D. 1467), while Miran's grandfathar, Duda, became Raja of Merta after that year. Miran's father, Ratan Singh, was killed in the battle of Khanua 59 years after Kumbha's death, and her cousin Jaimal at Chitor during Akbar's attack, 99 years after Kumbha's death. Miran Bai was married to Prince Bhojraj in S. 1573 — 95

Maharana Sāngā. Sāngā's second son Ratan Singh, by Queen Dhankanwar, daughter of Prince Bagha, eldest son of Rao Suja of Mewar, was now the heir-apparent. Amongst Sāngā's queens were two daughters of Bhanda's son Narbad Hādā, Raja of Bundi. By the second of these, Karmetan, Sāngā had two sons, Vicramaditya and Udai Singh. Karmetan enjoyed the confidence and affec- tion of Sāngā in a special degree. Solicitous of her sons' welfare, she begged the Maharana to make provision for them, and suggested that the fort and pargannah of Rantham- bhore night be given to them as jagir. The Maharana granted the request. The Hadi queen, knowing well that without proper support, the boys would not be able to keep that stronghold, requested that Hada Suraj Mal, her brother, who was one of the bravest and most important chiefs at the time, might be appointed their guardian to protect them and their estate. The Maharana announced (A.D. 1516). Miran Bai was born about S. 1555 (A.D. 1498) and died in S. 1603 (A.D. 1546) at Dwarka (Kathiawar), at which holy place she had been residing for several years. Vide Chaturkula Charitra (History of the Rāthor family of Merta) and Vir Vinod. 98

Maharana Sāngā. the grant in open Darbar the next day, and asked Suraj Mal to accept the responsible position. Suraj Mal said that he was a vassal of the empire, and his fidelity to the throne forbade his committing himself to a course of conduct inconsistent with his loyalty to the throne of Chitor. The matter was then referred to the heir- apparent to the throne, Prince Ratan Singh. He, out of deference to the wishes of his father Maharana Sāngā, gave his consent to the proposal, on which Suraj Mal took the hands of both the young princes in his own, as well as the patta of Ranthambhore, in token of his acceptance of the responsible position assigned to him. This impolitic proceeding on the part of Queen Karmetan sowed dissension among the nobility of Mewar, and was, as later events proved, one of the causes of the fall of Chitor. This is one of the many instances which abound in Indian history to prove the fatal consequences of polygamy in the royal houses of the Hindus. 97

CHAPTER XI. BĀBUR. WHILE the Pathan power in India was tottering to its fall, there appeared in Kabul a man of extraordinary ability and character, who was destined to found one of the greatest kingdoms of medieval times. That man was Zahiruddin Muhammad Bābur. Bābur was born in the purple and belonged to a family which had long ruled in Central Asia. The Chaghtai Turks,¹ up to Amir Taraghyan, were Buddhists in faith. Taraghyan was the first to embrace Islam. He was the father of the celebrated Timur, or Tamerlane, who was born of Nagina Khatun on 25 Shaban H. 736 (10th April A.D. 1336), at Sabz or Kesh, ¹ Colonel Tod thinks that there are grounds to assert that the Chaghtai Turks were a branch of the Yadava Rajput tribe to which the Jaisalmer family belongs. 98

[Header] Maharana Sāngā.

30 miles from Samarkand. Tamerlane be- came Amir of Bokhara on 10th April A.D. 1370. He conquered Persia, a part of Arabia and Mesopotamia. In A.D. 1398 he invaded India, took and plundered Delhi, and returned home laden with rich booty. He died at Atrar, 76 miles from Samarkand, on 19th February 1405 A.D. He was a great tyrant, and his oppressions and depreda- tions are matters of history. He was suc- ceeded by his son, Miran Shah, whose sixth son, Sultan Mahmud Mirza, on his deathbed placing his son Abu Sayid's hands in those of Ulugh Beg, son of Mirza Shah Rukh, a grandson of Timur, ruler of Khorasan, recommended him to Ulugh Khan's protec- tion.¹ Abu Sayid was born in A.D. 1427 and became king of Turkistan and Afghanistan at the age of 25. On 5 February 1469 he became a prisoner in a battle against Uzan Husain, a Turkoman Chief, and was put to death three days later. His fourth son, Umar Shaikh Mirza, born in A.D. 1456,

[Footnote] ¹ Abu Sayid repaid the kindness and generosity of Ulugh Beg by treachery. 99

Maharana Sāngā. inherited the small kingdom of Ferghana, and continued to rule it till 10 June A.D. 1494, when he was killed by the fall of a house while amusing himself with his tame pigeons in his palace, which stood on an eminence in the castle of Akhsi. The pigeon-house stood on the edge of a steep cliff overhanging the river below. Its foundations gave way, and he was precipitated down the cliff along with the building and killed on the spot.¹ Umar Shaikh left three sons, the eldest Zahiruddin Muhammad Bābur, and the second Jahangir Mirza. The third, Nasir Mirza, was by a concubine. Zahiruddin Muhammad Bābur was born on 6 Muharrum, H. 888 (15th February, A.D. 1483). His mother, Kutlak Nigār Khānam, was the second daughter of Yunis Khan, the grand Khan of the Moghuls, who was a descendant of Changez Khan.² On ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, p. 78. ² Bābur's genealogy on the father's side was : Bābur, son of Umar Shaikh Mirza, son of Abu Sayid Mirza, the son of Muhammad Mirza, the son of Miran Shah, the son of Amir Timur Korkān. On his mother's side, 100

Maharana Sāngā. 11 June 1494, at the age of 11, Bābur became ruler of Ferghana, on the death of his father. At his birth he was named Zahiruddin Muhammad by Khwāja Nasiruddin Abdulla, the celebrated spiritual guide in Transoxiana. The Chaghtais finding it difficult to pro- nounce the Arabic word Zahiruddin, called him Bābur, which his parents adopted. The kingdom of Ferghana, now Kokān, is surrounded on all sides by mountains, some of which are covered with perpetual snow. The capital, Andejān, with its impor- tant fortress, is situated to the south of the river Sirr or Sehun. Umar Shaikh, however, used to live in Akhsi, the second important town of the kingdom, as its fortress was the strongest in the kingdom. Ferghana possesses a rich soil and lies in a it was: Kutlak Nigār Khānam, daughter of Yunis Khan, the son of Weis Khan, the son of Sher Ali Khan, the son of Muhammad Khwaja, the son of Khizr Khwaja, the son of Tughlak Timur, the son of Isan Bugha, the son of Dawa Chichan, the son of Borak Khan, the son of Sukar, the son of Kamgar, the son of Chaghtai, the son of the famous Changez Khan. 101

Maharana Sāngā. temperate climate, though exposed to violent heat in summer and severe cold in winter. It abounds in corn and fruits, specially the peach, the pomegranate, the almond and melon. Its orchards and gardens were celebrated in olden days. Bābur describes his father as a brave, good-humoured prince of a sweet temper, elegant and refined in his manners and conversation, fond of letters, and remarkable for his justice. In his external policy he was ambitious, restless and unsteady. At the time of Umar Shaikh’s death, his elder brother, Sultan Ahmad Mirza, King of Samar- kand, and Sultan Mirza his brother-in-law, having combined to deprive Umar Shaikh of his little kingdom, were marching from north and south, and it was with difficulty and after some fighting that Bābur’s nobles extricated the principality from this danger. At 15 years of age, Bābur took Samarkand in November A.D. 1497. Samarkand was one of the most celebrated and populous cities at the time. It had been the capital of Tamerlane the Great. Bābur found the city 102

Maharana Sāngā. worn out from the long continuance of the blockade; and the surrounding country had been laid waste by hostile armies for two successive summers. His followers began to desert him and return home. A party headed by Azan Hasan and Tambal, demanded that Bābur having taken Samar- kand, should give Andejan and Akhsi to his younger brother, Jahangir Mirza. Bābur refused the demand, upon which Jahangir besieged Andejan. Bābur was seriously ill at the time. On his recovery, he abandoned Samarkand to relieve Andejan. On the way he learnt that Andejan had been surrendered the day he had left Samar- kand. Bābur says in his memoirs : “To save Andejan, I had given up Samarkand, and now found that I had lost the one with- out preserving the other.” He was left without a country and without followers. He says : “I became a prey to vexation and melancholy, for since I had been a sovereign prince, I never before had been separated in this manner from my country and followers; and since the day I had known myself, I had never experienced such care and suffer- 103

Maharana Sāngā. ing.” Bābur now resolved to instigate his maternal uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan, to take Andejan. Sultan Mahmud, ever ready to go where a country was to be plundered, marched towards Andejan, but Jahangir Mirza’s men persuaded him to return to his country. Bābur’s situation became more desperate than ever. “I was now reduced to a very distressed situation,” says he, “and wept a great deal.” A second attempt on Samarkand with Sultan Mahmud’s assistance having failed, Bābur repaired to the court of his uncle, and persuaded him to give him assistance. He took Nasukh, but abandoned it and returned to Khojend. His old servant Ali Dost, sent for Bābur and gave up to him Marghinan. Azan Hasan attempted to drive Bābur out of Marghi- nan but failed. Bābur advanced and took Andejan. The Moghuls, however, revolted and defeated Bābur. Eventually a peace was made, by which the kingdom was partitioned between Bābur and Jahangir Mirza, in February 1500 A.D., and it was stipulated that both should attack Samarkand, and should they succeed, Bābur should keep it 104

Maharana Sāngā. and give up Andejan to Jahangir Mirza. The direction of Bābur’s affairs was in the hands of Mir Ali Dost, a Moghul, who removed Bābur’s favourites one after another from the little Court. Ali Dost and his son were the real rulers of the little State. Bābur says : “ My situation was singularly delicate, and I was forced to be silent. Many were the indignities which I endured at that time, both from father and son.” Bābur, at the invitation of Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan, marched to take Samarkand. No sooner had Bābur started on this expedition than Tambol’s brother Khalil, attacked the fortress of Ush and took it from Bābur’s garrison. And when Bābur reached Yuratkhan, five miles from Samarkand, news reached him that the powerful Shaibani Khan, the Uzbek Chief of Turkistan, was in full march towards that city. Bābur broke up the blockade of Samarkand, and instead of falling back on his hereditary dominions, now in the hands of his hereditary enemies, he marched towards Kesh. Here he learnt of the surrender of Samarkand; and Muhammad Mazid and other Begs separating from him, 105