महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sānga. Bābur was left with few adherents, and "once more felt himself in a most destitute and wretched situation, without army or country or home. He knew not which way to turn." Bābur thought of migrating to the remoter wilds of Tartary, but eventually made up his mind to return towards Samar- kand and meet whatever fortune awaited him there. With the greatest difficulty he traversed the pass of Sir-e-tāk and came to Kān. At a little distance from Samarkand Kamber Ali joined Bābur. Shaibani was encamped with seven or eight thousand men near Khwaja Didār and had a garrison of five or six hundred men in Samarkand. Mehdi Sultan and other adherents of Shaibani, with two thousand men, were encamped near by. Bābur with all his exertions could not muster more than 240 followers. None but a man of the most heroic ardour would have ventured to think of extricating himself from his difficulties except by retreat. Bābur saw that if he had any chance of retrieving his affairs it could only be by bold measures, and he resolved to surprise Samarkand, which daring enterprise offered the best prospect 106

Maharana Sāngā. of success. The first attempt failed, but the second succeeded beyond his expectations. The people, tired of the barbarous Uzbeks, hailed Bābur with joy. Shaibani galloped up to the town with a few followers at daybreak, but finding it in Bābur's possession and the whole population against himself, retired towards Bokhara. Bābur was at the time of this heroic enterprise in his eighteenth year. Though Bābur obtained Samarkand, Shaibani Khan's power was unbroken. In a few months he advanced from Bokhara and took the fort of Dabusi by storm and put Bābur's garrison to the sword. Bābur left Samarkand to take the field against him (about May 1501 A.D.) Shaibani planned a night attack which failed. Bābur divided his army into four divisions, consisting of right and left wings, centre and advance, and marched forward. The enemy was ready to receive Bābur. Bābur's left was turned. The enemy then attacked his centre in the rear and threw his army into confusion. Bābur sustained a complete defeat. Only 10 or 15 men remained round him. Bābur fled, and after crossing the river 107.

Maharana Sāngā. Kohik, reached Samarkand, which Shaibani lost no time in investing. After several months' blockade, Bābur capitulated, one of the articles of the treaty being the marriage of Bābur's sister, Khanzada Begum, with Shaibani—"part of the price paid for his unmolested escape." Thus Samarkand was again lost in September 1501 A.D. Bābur, now in his nineteenth year, driven from Samarkand, made for Ilan-uti. After great sufferings and privations and a stunning fall from his horse, Bābur reached Dizak, where he had meat and bread and fruit to eat. He says in his memoirs: "In my whole life, I never enjoyed myself so much." "It has been my lot," he adds, "four or five times in the course of my life, to pass in a similar manner from distress and suffering to enjoyment and ease, but this was the first time I had ever been so circumstanced, and most keenly did I feel the transition from the injuries of my enemy and the gnawings of absolute hunger, to the charms of security and the delights of the plenty." ¹ ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, p. 159. 108

Maharana Sāngā. Bābur repaired to his uncle Sultan Mahmud, who assigned the district of Dehkāt to him. Here Bābur lived in the house of one of the headmen of the place and had often to go about bare-footed. The aged mother of the chief told Bābur stories of the wonderful land of India which she had heard from one of her relations who had accompanied Timur when he invaded Hindu- stan. These stories concerning the wonders of India, probably fired Bābur’s youthful imagination and implanted in him an ardent desire to visit that distant land. From Dehkāt, Bābur sent a cap for his brother, Jehangir Mirza, and a sword to Tambal. Tired of “the unsettled way of liv- ing and with having no house or home, life became a burden to” Bābur, who preferred “to live unknown and undistinguished into some corner than continue to drag on exist- ence in wretchedness and misery,” which he then endured. Bābur’s uncle soon had occasion to attack Tambal, and Bābur with a part of his army took Ush and advanced on Andejan. He was, however, surprised 109

Maharana Sāṅgā. by Tambal. Bābur was wounded by an arrow, which pierced his right thigh; while Tambal riding up discharged full on his head a furious sabre blow which stunned him. The sword was the one which Bābur had presented him. The steel cap saved Bābur, but his head was bruised. Another sabre stroke fell on his quiver, and Bābur, to save himself, fled. He went to Akhsi, but was driven away from there. With 20 or 30 men he fled, pursued by the enemy. All his follow- ers were left behind one after another, and at length Bābur was left alone. Two of his enemy were gaining upon him. When they came within bowshot, they called out to him to stop, and swore that they meant no harm to him. All three passed the night in the hills. Bābur was eventually dis- covered there. He was told that Tambal wanted to make him king. Bābur disbelieved the story and retired to spend the few moments yet left him in religious medi- tations and in preparation for the next world. He, however, managed to escape, and joined the Moghul khans, who were marching against Ferghana. Shaibani, how- 110

Maharana Sānga. ever, surprised them and made the khans his prisoners, Bābur escaping (June 1503) to the southern hills of Ferghana. Bābur was compelled to wander as a fugitive and an outlaw in the hilly country, accompanied by his mother and some followers. After he had been subjected for a year to the utmost extremes of hardship and suffering, hunted from village to village, and from forest to mountain, finding the toils of his pursuers closing around him, and seeing that his partisans were totally dispersed and not a chance of success was left, he held a consultation with his small but devot- ed band. Their prospects were dreary and dark, and opposition to Shaibani was hope- less. He could not expect long to secure even his life, if he continued to roam as an adventurer in a territory which he had once vainly called his own. Young as he was, the world was before him. He there- fore resolved to abandon for a time his native country and to court success in foreign lands. Accordingly, in the summer of H. 910 (A.D. 1504), Bābur bade a last adieu to his native land, and the whole 111

Maharana Sāngā. party set out to cross the lofty and snow- covered range of mountains that separate Andejan from Karatagin and Hissar. Bābur was joined by many people on the way, and as he marched through the territories of Khusrau Shah, who ruled from Karatagin to Hindukush and Balkh to Badakhshan, Khusrau's brother Baki Cha- ghaniani, joined Bābur. In a few days all his followers came to Bābur, who now resolved to conquer Kabul. The city surrendered after a siege of only a few days in October 1504 A.D. Thus Bābur little more than three months after leaving, as a houseless exile, his little kingdom of Ferghana, saw himself sovereign of the far more extensive and powerful kingdoms of Kabul and Ghazni. Bābur had been in Kabul but a short time when Yar Muhammad, a son of Daria Khan of Bhera, a district lying beyond the Indus on the south of Jhelum, invited him to that country. Bābur thereupon resolved on an incursion into India. He set out from Kabul in Shaban H. 910 (January 1505), and reached Jalalabad in six days, and traversing 112

Maharana Sāṅga. the Khaibar Pass proceeded to Bekram, now Peshawar. After a consultation, the plan of crossing the Indus was abandoned, and the army was led on a marauding expedition to Kohat, Bannu, Bangash and Dasht Damān. Passing by a small dependency of Multan, Bābur went on to Ghazni and returned to Kabul in four months. In the meantime, Shaibani laid siege to Balkh, and its ruler, Sultan Husain Mirza, invited Bābur to assist him to repel the invasion. Bābur consented and left Kabul. But Balkh fell before Bābur reached there. Bābur, therefore, after visiting Herat, set out in December 1506 A.D., on the return journey to Kabul, where an insurrection had taken place in his absence. He had taken Kandahar and bestowed it on his brother Nasir Mirza, when Shaibani Khan advanced rapidly in the hope of surprising him there. Finding Bābur gone towards Kabul, he invested Kandahar. This so alarmed Bābur, and such was the wholesome fear inspired by the prowess and talents of Shaibani, that at a council held to decide 118

Maharana Sāngā. what course to adopt in this difficult emer- gency, it was considered hopeless even to attempt the defence of the country of Kabul, and it was decided to make an inroad into India to escape the tempest. Leaving Kabul under the charge of Abdul Razzak, the late king, Bābur marched down the Kabul river for the Indus. The intervening passes were in the possession of Afghan tribes, who are robbers even in peace times. Bābur thus speaks of their attitude: “When they under- stood that I had abandoned Kabul and was marching for Hindustan, their usual insolence was increased tenfold.” Bābur showed fight and the Afghans dispersed. He arrived at Adinapur, now Jalalabad. From here he sent four divisions to plunder the country around and waited for news from Kabul. He soon heard that Kandahar had fallen, that it was given back to the Arghuns and that Nasir Mirza was allowed to depart to Ghazni. Hearing also that Shaibani had re- turned to Turkistan to quell trouble at home, Bābur returned to Kabul and assumed the title of Padshah. Even here he got no rest. His Moghul army, to which he owed the 114

Maharana Sāngā. throne of Kabul, revolted, and it was with the greatest difficulty that he defeated the rebel Moghul chiefs (A.D. 1508) and gained success over them—a success to achieve which his bodily strength and personal gallantry contributed not a little. "His heroism and desperation appalled his enemies and reanimated his followers." Bābur now enjoyed repose for two years. He then heard of the victory gained by the King of Persia, Shah Ismail Safvi, over Shaibani Khan at Merv.¹ Khan Mirza sent the welcome news by a messenger, who travelled post haste to inform Bābur of the momentous happenings in the north and invited him to recover his patrimony. Bābur started, and meeting with ¹ Shaibani's end was very inglorious. Defeated in battle at Mahmudabad of Merv he took shelter with 500 men in an inclosure, and when pressed hard they all jumped over the wall to escape towards the river, but in doing so fell in heaps on each other. Shaibani was overlaid and smothered by the crowd after him. His body was unearthed and his head was cut off and pre- sented to Shah Ismail. The skin of his head was stuffed with hay and sent to Sultan Bayazid, the Turkish Emperor of Constantinople. The skull, set in gold, was made into a drinking cup, which the Shah was proud of displaying at his great entertainments. 115

Maharana Sāngā. little opposition, recovered Samarkand and Bokhara. His dominions now extended from the deserts of Tartary to the limits of Ghazni, and comprehended Kabul, Ghazni, Kunduz, Hissar, Samarkand, Bokhara Ferghana, Tashkand and Seiram. Kabul and Ghazni he gave to Nasir Mirza, himself taking up his residence at Samarkand. Bābur was now in his 29th year (1511-12 A.D.). Like his two previous conquests of Samarkand, this third one was also of short duration. Bābur had relied chiefly on the assistance of the Shah of Persia for his success in Transoxiana, and he now adopted the Persian dress and issued an order to his troops to do the same, particularly the Persian cap. This alienated the sym- pathies of the people, who were orthodox Sunnies, and a storm of the Uzbeks gathering beyond the Sirr soon poured down in all its fury on the plains of Bokhara. Bābur was driven from Samarkand. He defended himself at Hissar and sent for assistance to Shah Ismail, who sent an army under Amir 116

Maharana Sāngā. Nijm Sani to assist Bābur. Though Amir Nijm gained a few successes, he was defeated with great slaughter at Ghazhdewan, and Bābur lost all hope of again ascending the throne of Samarkand and Bokhara. Hissar, too, was taken by the Uzbeks and Bābur again crossed the Hindukush and returned to Kabul towards the end of 1513 or early in 1514 A.D. Nasir Mirza at once yielded Kabul to him, himself retiring to his old government of Ghazni. Bābur now enjoyed some years of peace, which he employed in settling the government of his kingdom and reducing to submission the various mountain tribes on every side. In 1519 A.D., Bābur invaded a part of the Panjab, and in 1520 he again entered the Panjab and advanced as far as Sialkot, when he was recalled by an invasion of Kabul. He now resolved to take and incorporate Kandahar with his dominions, preliminary to his invasion of India. He besieged Kandahar, which was ably defended by its ruler, Shah Beg. In A.D. 1522, — however, it was finally surrendered to him. 117

CHAPTER XII. SĀNGĀ AND BĀBUR. THE accession of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi to the throne of Delhi in A.D. 1517, showed the weak points of the Afghan Sultanate of Hindustan, which was a congeries of several virtually independent Pathan principalities and jagirs. The cruelty of Ibrahim filled his reign with rebellions by the nobles of the kingdom. The Sultan possessed neither the tact to control them, nor the ability to crush them. At length, Daulat Khan Lodi, the governor of Lahore, invited Bābur, the king of Kabul, to take possession of Hindustan. Bābur had ere this made unsuccessful attempts to take the Panjab. He says in his autobiogra- phy that Maharana Sāngā had also sent him a message to the effect that should he (Bābur) advance and take Delhi, he (Sāngā) would take Agra from the Lodi king. 118

Maharana Sāngā. Finding the circumstances favourable, Bābur left Kabul, took a part of the Panjab and advanced towards Delhi. Circumstances, however, soon afterwards obliged him to return to Kabul. In the meantime the dissensions in the Afghan kingdom of Delhi increased and prince Alauddin, known as Alam Khan, the uncle of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, repaired to Kabul and induced Bābur to help him to the throne of Delhi, promising him in lieu of his assistance, the whole of the Panjab. Alam Khan returned to India and, aided by Bābur’s generals in the Panjab, advanced towards Delhi, but was defeated and put to flight by Sultan Ibrahim. Bābur, however, perceiving the time favourable for his designs, as Hindustan was torn asunder by hopeless dissensions and rivalries, crossed the Indus with only 12,000 men, which swelled to about seventy thousand when he came face to face with the Sultan of Delhi on the celebrated field of Panipat, where the sove- reignty of Hindustan has been so often lost and won. After waiting for a few days, during 119

Maharana Sāngā. which intrigue was not idle, Bābur made dispositions for a battle, which took place on 29 April 1526 A.D. The Delhi army was defeated and the Sultan lost his life. A week after this, Bābur was crowned king at Delhi and the khutba was read in his name. After waiting a few months to see if Sāngā moved towards Agra, he advanced and took possession of it. Agra was then only an appanage of Byana, which was a place of great strategical and political importance. Byana had fallen into the hands of the Maharana after the defeat of Ibrahim, and its ruler, Nizam Khan, was a vassal of Mewar. Bābur, however, knew very well that Ibrahim was not his most formidable op- ponent in India. He was aware of the great power and prestige of Maharana Sāngā and knew that with him as a neighbour, his throne stood on very slender support. He, therefore, began to take steps to secure Byana. Nizam Khan wished to play Bābur and Sāngā against each other. He told Bābur that he was a vassal of Sāngā, and 120

Maharana Sāngā. when Sāngā called him to his duty he excused himself by saying that Bābur would not allow him to do so. As Byana belonged by right to Sāngā, he resolved to march against Nizam Khan to enforce obedience. Bābur wishing to forestall Sāngā, sent an army under Tardi Beg to take it. Alim Khan, brother of Nizam Khan, also joined the Turks. Bābur's army was, however, defeated and put to flight by Nizam Khan. But when Sāngā advanced from Rantham- bhore, Nizam Khan finding it impossible to hold Byana against the Maharana, voluntarily surrendered the stronghold to Bābur,¹ receiving in return a jagir in the Doab. Bābur's occupation of Byana was an open attack on the territory of the Maharana, and the Maharana regarding this as a challenge, took up the gauntlet and began to make preparations to drive out the Turks from Hindustan. Nizam Khan's action brought Sāngā and Bābur face to face earlier than Bābur ¹ Erskine's History of India, Vol. I, pp. 452-53. 121

Maharana Sāngā. wished. Bābur was yet more or less of a stranger to Hindustan and he wished to consolidate his power and position by reducing to submission the various Pathan Chiefs and semi-independent Afghan governors of different provices of Hindustan before engaging in a war with Sāngā, which Bābur knew very well would mean the latter's sovereignty of Hindustan or a final defeat of all his hopes and ambitions. Sāngā and Bābur are the two out- standing personalities of the time in India. Though Sāngā was no ordinary Rajput king, Bābur was an equally remarkable personality. Both were of about the same age. Sāngā was born in A.D. 1482 and Bābur in A.D. 1483. Both were men of valour and had received their training in the school of adversity. The early life of Bābur had been a continuous record of trouble, disappointment and defeat; but of unremit- ting toil, ever-renewed effort, unflagging energy, great personal bravery and confi- dence. He had met with so many ups and downs in his life that he never lost courage, 122

Maharana Sāngā. and was always prepared for difficulties and disappointments. His career was passed amongst the barbarians of the North, the rugged, turbulent and treacherous tribes of Turkistan and Transoxiana; and his hardy constitution, his indomitable courage, his varied experience, and his great knowledge of men, stood him in good stead when he was opposed by the chivalry of Rajputana— a country far in advance of Central Asia in humanity and culture. Bābur was a man of amiable disposition, and was of a joyous nature. He was fond of the good things of life. He had some learning and culture and was not devoid of generous instincts when political considerations did not come into play. As a man and a leader he was head and shoulders above the chieftains and nobles who followed his fortunes in India. He was Maharana Sāngā’s equal in courage and determination and not inferior to him in personal valour. And if he was inferior to the Maharana in chivalry, heroism, generosity,¹ highmindedness and devotion to ¹ Not only did Sāngā generously bestow Mandu on the defeated Sultan Mahmud, but gave away Chitor to 123

Maharana Sāngā. the dictates of honour, he was his superior in circumspection, perseverance, judgment, and above all, in quickness to take advantage of every occasion favourable to him. Defeat after defeat, disaster following disaster made Bābur wideawake, circumspect and artful. They matured his judgment, gave him a richer knowledge of human nature and prepared him to meet all emergencies. On the other hand, unbroken success after coming to the throne, victory following victory, gave Sāngā self-confidence, courage and hope, enhanced his prestige and glory, but made him minimize difficulties and neglect taking proper precautions. It impaired his power of properly appreciating the meaning and the bearing of incidents and attendant the Kesaria Charan Haridas after the victory over Mahmud Khilji. Haridas, however, presented the fort- ress again to the Maharana. The following verses by Haridas are extant in Rajputana : मांडवगढ गर्जर ग्रहमुके रेणवां दीध चत्रगढराज Thou, O! Rana, didst allow the kings of Mandu and Gujarāt to return home, and gavest away the fortress of Chitor to Renwa Charan. Also दिध चित्रकोट कवियां खुमाणा, दिज विजई नैं रीझदिया ॥ 124

Maharana Sāngā. circumstances on the success of a plan. While Sāngā was a greater hero and a more chivalrous leader of men, Bābur was a greater politician and a more wary and skilful general. While Sāngā had prestige, bravery, dash, and numbers on his side, Bābur had artfulness, desperation and religious fervour to support him. 125