वेदों की प्राचीनता एवं काल-निर्णय / ओरायन (लोकमान्य बाल गंगाधर तिलक - खगोलीय वैदिक शोध)

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 155 (ṛitvijaḥ). A third explanation is then put forward, viz., that the distinction of seven suns is probably based on the different effects of sun's rays in different months or seasons, and in support of it a Mantra, or Vedic verse, Dig-bhrâja ṛitûn karoti, (resorting to, or shining in, different regions (they) make the seasons), is quoted. I have not been able to find the Mantra in the existing Saṁhitâs, nor does Sâyaṇa give us any clue to it, but simply observes "the different features of different seasons cannot be accounted for, except by supposing them to have been caused by different suns; therefore, different suns must exist in different regions".* But this explanation is open to the objection (actually raised by Vaishampâyana), that we shall have, on this theory, to assume the existence of thousands of suns as the characteristics of the seasons are so numerous. The Âraṇyaka admits, to a certain extent, the force of this objection, but says—aṣhṭau tu vyavasitâḥ, meaning that the number eight is settled by the text of the scripture, and there is no further arguing about it. The Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa, III, 1, 3, 3, explains the le- gend of Aditi somewhat on the same lines. It says that seven alone of Aditi's sons are styled Devâḥ Âdityâḥ (the gods Âdityas) by men, and that the eighth Mârtâṇḍa was born undeveloped, whereupon the Âditya gods created man and other animals out of him. In two other passages of the Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa, VI, 1, 2, 8, and XI, 6, 3, 8, the num- ber of Âdityas is, however, given as twelve. In the first (VI, 1, 2, 8) they are said to have sprung from twelve drops generated by Prajâpati and then placed in different regions (dikshu); while in the second (XI, 6, 3, 8)† these

• See Sâyaṇa's explanation quoted on the last page. † Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa, VI, 1, 2, 8,—स मनसैव वाचं मिथुनं समभवत् स द्वादश द्रप्सान् गर्ब्भवत् । ते द्वादशादित्या असृज्यंत तान्दिक्षूपदधात् । Again XI, 6, 3, 8—कतम आदित्या इति । द्वादश मासाः संवत्सरस्यैत आदित्याः ।

156 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. twelve Âdityas are identified with the twelve months of the year. The number of Âdityas is also given as twelve in the Upaniṣhads : while in the post-Vedic literature they are every- where said to be twelve, answering to the twelve months f the year. Muir, in his Original Sanskrit Texts, Volumes IV and V, gives most of these passages, but offers no explanation as to the legend of Aditi, except such as is to be found in the passages quoted. There are many different speculations or theories of Western Scholars regarding the nature and character of Aditi, but as far as the number of Âdityas is concerned, I know of no satisfactory explanation as yet suggested by them. On the con- trary the tendency is, as observed by Prof. Max Muller, to regard the number, seven or eight, as unconnected with any solar move- ments. A suggestion is made that the eight Âdityas may be taken to represent the eight cardinal points of the compass, but the death or casting away of the eighth Âditya seals the fate of this explanation, which thus seems to have been put forward only to be rejected like Mârtâṇḍa, the eighth Âditya. We have here referred to, or quoted, the texts and passages bearing on Aditi's legend, or the number of Âdityas, at some length, in order to show how we are apt to run into wild spe- culations about the meaning of a simple legend when the key to it is lost. That the twelve Âdityas are understood to represent the twelve month-gods in later Vedic literature is evident from the passage in the Shatapatha Brâhmaṇa (XI, 6, 3, 8=Bṛih. Ârṇ. Up. III, 9, 5), which says "There are twelve months of the year ; these are the Âdityas." With this explanation before us, and the belief that different seasonal changes could be explained only by assuming the existence of different suns, it required no . very great stretch of imagination to infer that if twelve Âdityas now represent the twelve months of the year, the seven Âdityas must have once (pûrvyam yugam) represented the seven

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 157 months of the year. But this explanation, reasonable though it was, did not commend itself, or we might even say, occur to Vedic scholars, who believed that the home of the Aryans lay somewhere in Central Asia. It is, therefore, satisfactory to find that the idea of different suns producing different months is recognised so expressly in the Taittirīya Âraṇyaka, which quotes a Vedic text, not now available, in support thereof, and finally pronounces in favour of the theory, which regards the seven suns as presiding over seven different heavenly regions and thereby producing different seasons, in spite of the objection that it would lead to the assumption of thousands of suns—an objection, which the Âraṇyaka disposes of summarily by observing that eight is a settled number, and that we have no right to change it. That this explanation is the most probable of all is further evident from Ṛig. IX, 114, 3, which says "There are seven sky-regions (sapta dishaḥ), with their different suns (nānā sūryāḥ), there are seven Hotṛis as priests, those who are the seven gods, the Âdityas,—with them, O Soma! protect us." Here nānā-sūryāḥ is an adjective which qualifies dishaḥ (sapta), and the co-relation between seven regions and seven suns is thus expressly recognised. Therefore, the simplest explanation of Aditi's legend is that she presented to the gods, that is, brought forth into heavens, her seven sons, the Âdityas, to form the seven months of sunshine in the place. She had an eighth son, but he was born in an undeveloped state, or, was, what we may call, still- born; evidently meaning that the eighth month was not a month of sunshine, or that the period of darkness at the place commen- ced with the eighth month. All this occured not in this age, but in the previous age, and the words pūrvyam yugam in X, 72, 9, are very important from this point of view. The word yuga is evi- dently used to denote a period of time in the first and second verses of the hymn, which refer to the former age of the gods;

158 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. (devānāṁ pūrve yuge) and also of the later age (uttare yuge). Western scholars are accustomed to interpret yuga to mean 'a generation of men' almost in every place where the phrase is met with; and we shall have to consider the correctness of this interpretation later on. For the purpose of this legend it is enough to state that the phrase pūrvyam yugam occurs twice in the hymn, and that where it first occurs (in verse 2), it clearly denotes 'an early age' or 'some division of time.' Naturally enough we must, therefore, interpret it in the same way where it occurs again in the same hymn, viz., in the verse describing the legend of Aditi's seven sons. The sun having seven rays, or seven horses, also implies the same idea differently expressed. The seven months of sunshine, with their different temperatures, are represented by seven suns producing these different results by being differently located, or as having different kinds of rays, or as having different chariots, or horses, or different wheels to the same chariot. It is one and the same idea in different forms, or as the Ṛig-Veda puts it, "one horse with seven names," (I, 164, 2). A long dawn of thirty days indicates a period of sunshine for seven months; and we now see that the legend of Aditi is intelligible only if we interpret it as a relic of a time when there were seven flourishing month-gods, and the eighth was either still- born, or cast away. Mārtāṇḍa is etymologically derived from mārta meaning 'dead or undeveloped', (being connected with mṛita, the past participle of mṛi, to die) and aṇḍa, an egg or a bird; and it denotes a dead sun, or a sun that has sunk below the horizon, for in Ṛig. X, 55, 5, we find the word mamāra (died) used to denote the setting of the daily sun. The sun is also repre- sented as a bird in many places in the Ṛig-Veda (V, 47,3; X, 55, 6; X, 177, 1; X, 189, 3). A cast away bird (Mārtāṇḍa) is, there- fore, the sun that has set or sunk below the horizon, and the whole legend is obviously a reminiscence of the place

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 159 where the sun shone above the horizon. for seven months, and went below it in the beginning of the eighth. If this nature of the sun-god is once impressed on the memory, it cannot be easily forgotten by any people simply by their being obliged to change their residence ; and thus the sevenfold character of the sun-god must have been handed down as an old tradition, though the Vedic people lived later on in places presided over by the twelve Âdityas. That is how ancient traditions are preserved everywhere, as, for instance, those relating to the older year in the Egyptian literature, previously referred to. We have seen above that the peculiar characteristic of the Arctic region is the varying number of the months of sun- shine in that place. It is not, therefore, enough to say that traces of a period of seven months' sunshine are alone found in the Ṛig-Veda. If our theory is correct, we ought to find re- ferences to periods of eight, nine or ten months' sunshine along with that of seven months either in the shape of traditions, or in some other form ; and fortunately there are such references in the Ṛig-Veda, only if we know where to look for them. We have seen that the sun's chariot is said to be drawn by seven horses, and that this seven-fold character of the sun has refer- ence to the seven suns, conceived as seven different month-gods. There are many other legends based on this seven-fold division, but as they do not refer to the subject under discussion, we must reserve their consideration for another occasion. The only fact necessary to be mentioned in this place is that the number of the sun's horses is said to be not only seven (I, 50, 8), but also ten in IX, 63, 9; and if the first be taken to represent seven months, the other must be understood to stand for ten months as well. We need not, however, de- pend upon such extension of the legend of seven Âdityas to prove that the existence of nine or ten months of sunshine

160 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. was known to the poets of the Ṛig-Veda. The evidence, which I am now going to cite, comes from another source, I mean, the sacrificial litetature, which is quite independent of the legend of the seven Âdityas. The Ṛig-Veda mentions a number of ancient sacrificers styled 'our fathers' (II, 33, 13; VI, 22, 2), who instituted the sacrifice in ancient times, and laid down, for the guidance of man, the path which he should, in future, follow. Thus the sacrifice offered by Manu, is taken as the type, and other sacri- fices are compared with it in I, 76, 5. But Manu was not alone to offer this ancient sacrifice to the gods. In X, 63, 7, he is said to have made the first offerings to the gods along with the seven Hotṛis; while Aṅgiras and Yayâti are mentioned with him as ancient sacrificers in I, 31, 17, Bhṛigu and Aṅgiras in VIII, 43, 13, Atharvan and Dadhyañch in I, 80, 16, and Dadhy- añch, Aṅgiras, Atri and Kaṇva in I, 139, 9. Atharvan by his sacrifices is elsewhere described, as having first extended the paths, whereupon the sun was born (I, 83, 5 ), and the Atharvans, in the plural, are styled 'our fathers' (naḥ pitaraḥ) along with Aṅgirases, Navagvas and Bhṛigus in X, 14, 6. In II, 34, 12, Dashagvas are said to have been the first to offer a sacrifice; while in X, 92, 10 Atharvan is spoken of, as having established order by sacrifices, when the Bhṛigus showed themselves as gods by their skill. Philologically the name of Atharvan appears as Athravan, meaning a fire-priest, in the Avesta, and the word Aṅgiras is said to be etymolo- gically connected with the Greek Aggilos, a 'messenger' and the Persian Angara 'a mounted courier.' In the Aitareya Brâhmaṇa (III, 34) Aṅgirases are said to be the same as Aṅgârâḥ, 'burning coals or fire,' (Cf. Ṛig. X. 62, 5). Whether we accept these etymologies as absolutely correct or not, the resemblance between the different words sufficiently warrants the assump- tion that Atharvan and Aṅgiras must have been the ancient

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 161 sacrificers of the whole Aryan race and not merely of the Vedic people. Therefore, even though Manu, Atharvan, Aṅgiras be not the names of particular individuals, still there can be little doubt that they represented families of priests who conduct- ed, if not originated, the sacrifices in primeval times, that is, before the Aryan separation, and who, for this reason, seem to have attained almost divine character in the eyes of the poets of the Ṛig-Veda. They have all been described as more or less connected with Yama in X, 14, 3-6 ; but it does not follow there- from that they were all Yama's agents or beings without any human origin. For, as stated above, there are a number of passages in which they are described as being the first and the most ancient sacrificers of the race ; and if after their death they are said to have gone to Yama and become his friends and com- panions, that does not, in any way, detract from their human character. It is, therefore, very important in the history of the sacrificial literature to determine if any traditions are preserved in the Ṛig-Veda regarding the duration of the sacrifices perfomed by these ancient ancestors of the Vedic people (naḥ pûrve pitaraḥ, VI, 22, 2), in times before the separation of the Aryan people, and see if they lend any support to the theory of an early Circum- Polar home. Now so far as my researches go, I have not been able to find any Vedic evidence regarding the duration of the sacri- fices performed by Manu, Atharvan, Bhṛigu or any other ancient sacrificers, except the Aṅgirases. There is an annual sattra described in the Shrauta Sûtras, which is called the Aṅgirasâm-ayanam, and is said to be a modification of the Gavâm-ayanam, the type of all yearly sattras. But we do not find therein any mention of the duration of the satra of the Aṅgirases. The duration of the Gavâm-ayanam is, however, given in the Taittirîya Saṁhitâ, and will be discussed in

162 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. the next chapter. For the present, we confine ourselves to the sattra of the Aṅgirases, and have to see if we can find out other means for determining its duration. Such a means is, fortunately, furnished by the Ṛig-Veda itself. There are two chief species of the Aṅgirases (Aṅgiras-tama), called the Navagvas and the Daśhagvas, mentioned in the Ṛig-Veda (X, 62, 5 and 6): These two classes of ancient sacrificers are generally mentioned together, and the facts attributed to the Aṅgirases are also attributed to them. Thus the Navagvas are spoken of as 'our ancient fathers,' in VI, 22, 2, and as 'our fathers' along with Aṅgirases and Bhṛigu in X, 14, 6. Like the Aṅgirases, the Navagvas are also connected with the myth of Indra overthrowing Vala, and of Saramâ and Paṇis (I, 62, 3 and 4; V, 29, 12; V, 45, 7; X, 108, 8). In one of these Indra is described as having taken their assistance when he rent the rock and Vala (I, 62, 4); and in V, 29, 12, the Nava- gvas are said to have praised Indra with songs and broken open the firmly closed stall of the cows. But there are only two verses in which the duration of their sacrificial session is mention- ed. Thus V, 45, 7 says, "Here, urged by hands, hath loudly rung the press-stone, with which the Navagvas sang (sacrificed) for ten months"; and in the eleventh verse of the same hymn the poet says, "I place upon (offer to) the waters your light-winning prayers wherewith the Navagvas completed their ten months."* In II, 34, 12, we again read, "They, the Dashagvas, brought out (of- fered) sacrifice first of all. May they favour us at the flashing forth of the dawn": while in IV, 51, 4, † the Dawns are said "to have dawned richly on the Navagva Aṅgira,

• Ṛig. V, 45, 7,—अनूनोदत्र हस्तयतो अद्रिरार्चन् येन दश मासो नव- ग्वाः। V. 45, 11,—धियं वो अप्सु दधिषे स्वर्षां यया तरन् दश मासो न- वग्वाः। † Ṛig. IV, 51, 4,—कुवित्स देवीः सनयो नवो वा यामो बभूयादुषसो वो अद्य। येना नवग्वे अंगिरे दशग्वे सप्तास्ये रेवती रेवदूष ॥

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 163 and on the seven-mouthed Dashagva," evidently showing that their sacrifice was connected with the break of the dawn and lasted only for ten months. What the Navagvas or the Dashagvas accomplished by means of their sacrifices is further described in V, 29, 12, which says, "The Navagvas and the Dashagvas, who had offered libations of Soma, praised Indra with songs; labouring (at it) the men laid open the stall of kine though firmly closed;" while in III, 39, 5, we read, "Where the friend (Indra), with the friendly energetic Navagvas, followed up the cows on his knees, there verily with ten Dashagvas did Indra find the sun dwelling in darkness (tamasi kshiyantam)."* In X, 62, 2 and 3, the Aṅgirases, of whom the Dashagvas and the Navagvas were the principal species (Aṅgiras-tama, X, 62, 6), are, however, said to have themselves performed the feat of vanquishing Vala, rescuing the cows and bringing out the sun, at the end of the year (pari vatsare Valam abhindan); but it obviously means that they helped Indra in achieving it at the end of the year. Combining all these state- ments we can easily deduce (1) that the Navagvas and the Dashagvas completed their sacrifices in ten months: (2) that these sacrifices were connected with the early flush of the Dawn; (3) that the sacrificers helped Indra in the rescue of the cows from Vala at the end of the year; and (4) that at the place where Indra went in search for the cows, he discovered the sun "dwelling in darkness." Now we must examine a little more closely the mean- ing of these four important statements regarding the Na- vagvas and the Dashagvas. The first question that arises in this connection is--What is meant by their sacrifices be- ing completed in ten months, and why did they not con- tinue sacrificing for the whole year of twelve months? The

• Rig. III, 39, 5,--सखा ह यत्र सखिभिर्नवग्वैरभिग्वा सत्वभिर्गा अनु- ग्मन् । सत्यं तदिंद्रो दशभिर्दशग्वैः सूर्यं विवेद तमसि क्षियंतम् ॥

164 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. expression for 'ten months' in the original is dasha māsāḥ, and the words are so plain that there can be no doubt about their import. We have seen that the Navagvas used to help Indra in releasing the cows from the grasp of Vala, and in X, 62, 2 and 3, the Aṅgirases are said to have defeated Vala at the end of the year, and raised the sun to heaven. This exploit of Indra, the Aṅgirases, the Navagvas and the Dashagvas, therefore, clearly refers to the yearly rescue of the sun, or the cows of the morning, from the dark prison into which they are thrown by Vala; and the expression "Indra found the sun dwelling in dark- ness", mentioned above further supports this view. In I, 117, 5, the Ashvins are said to have rescued Vandana, like some bright buried gold, "like one asleep in the lap of Nir-ṛiti (death), like the sun dwelling in darkness (tamasi kṣhiyantam)". This shows that the expression 'dwelling in darkness,' as applied to the sun, means that the sun was hidden or concealed below the horizon so as not to be seen by man. We must, therefore, hold that Indra killed or defeated Vala at the end of the year, in a place of darkness, and that the Dashagvas helped Indra by their songs at the time. This might lead any one to suppose that the Soma libations, offered by the Navagvas and the Dashagvas for ten months, were offered during the time when war with Vala was waging. But the Vedic idea is entirely different. For instance the morning prayers are recited be- fore the rise of the sun, and so the sacrifices to help Indra against Vala had to be performed before the war. Darkness or a dark period, of ten months is again astronomically im- possible anywhere on the globe, and as there cannot be ten months of darkness the only other alternative admissible is that the Dashagvas and the Navagvas carried on their ten months' sacrifice during the period of sunshine. Now if this period of sunshine had extended to twelve months, there was

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 165 no reason for the Dashagvas to curtail their sacrifices and com- plete them in ten months. Consequently the only inference we can draw from the story of the Navagvas and the Dashagvas is that they carried on their sacrifices during ten months of sun- shine and after that period, the sun went to dwell in darkness or sank below the horizon, and Indra, invigorated by the Soma libations of the Dashagvas, then entered into the cave of Vala, rent it open, released the cows of the morning and brought out the sun at the end of the old and the beginning of the new year, when the Dashagvas again commenced their sacrifices after the long dawn or dawns. In short, the Dashagvas and the Navagvas, and with them all the ancient sacrificers of the race, lived in a region where the sun was above the horizon for ten months, and then went down, producing a long yearly night of two months' duration. These ten months, therefore, formed the annual sacrificial session, or the calendar year, of the oldest sacrificers of the Aryan race, and we shall see in the next chapter that independently of the legend of the Dashagvas this view is fully supported by direct references to such a session in the Vedic sacrificial literature. The etymology of the words Navagva and Dashagva leads us to the same conclusion. The words are formed by prefixing nava and dasha to gva. So far there is no dif- ference of opinion. But Yâska (XI, 19) takes nava in na- vagva to mean either 'new' or 'charming,' interpreting the word to mean 'those, who have charming or new career (gva, from gam to go)'. This explanation of Yâska is, however, un- satisfactory, inasmuch as the Navagvas and the Dashagvas are usually mentioned together in the Ṛig-Veda, and this close and frequent association of their names makes it necessary for us to find out such an etymological explanation of the words as would make Navagva bear the same relation to nava as

166 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. Dashagva may have to dasha. But dasha or rather dashan, is a numeral signifying 'ten' and cannot be taken in any other sense; therefore, as observed by Prof. Lignana,* nava or rather navan must be taken to mean 'nine'. The meaning of gva (gu+a) is, however, yet to be ascertained. Some derive it from go, a cow, and others from gam, to go. In the first case the meaning would be 'of nine cows' or 'of ten cows'; while in the second case the words would signify 'going in nine' or 'going in ten,' and the fact that the Dashagvas are said to be ten in III, 39, 5, lends support to the latter view. But the use of the words Navagva and Dashagva, sometimes even in the singular number as an ad- jective qualifying a singular noun, shows that a group or a com- pany of nine or ten men, is not, at any rate, always intended. Thus in VI, 6, 3, the rays of Agni are said to be navagvas, while Adhrigu is said to be dashagva in VIII, 12, 2, and Dadhyañch navagva in IX, 108, 4. We must, therefore, assign to these epithets some other meaning, and the only other possible expla- nation of the numerals 'nine' and 'ten' is that given by Sâyaṇa, who says “(Comm. on Ṛig. I, 62, 4), “The Aṅgirases are of two kinds, the Navagvas or those who rose after completing the sattra in nine months, and the Dashagvas, or those who rose after finishing the sattra in ten months.”† We have seen that in the Ṛig-Veda V, 45, 7 and 11, the Dashagvas and

• See his Essay on “The Navagvas and the Dashagvas of the Ṛig-Veda” in the Proceedings of the 7th International Congress of Ori- entalists, 1886, pp. 59-68. The essay is in Italian, and I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Shrinivâs Iyengar, B. A., B. L., High Court Pleader, Madras, for a translation of the same. † Sâyaṇa, in his gloss. on Ṛig. I, 62, 4, says:— अंगिरसो द्विवि- धाः । सत्रमभिगमनुतिष्ठन्तो ये नवभिर्मासैः समाप्य गतास्ते नवग्वाः ।... ‘नवग्वा नवनीतगतय’ इति यास्को व्याचख्यौ। ये तु दशभिर्मासैः समाप्य- जग्मुस्ते दशग्वाः । Again in his gloss. on X, 62, 6, he states:—सत्रमा- सीनानामंगिरसां मध्ये केचन नवसु मास्सु कर्म कृत्वोदतिष्ठन् केचन दशसु मास्स्विति । एवमंगिरसामयनमुक्तम् । तेषामग्निर्नवग्वश्च दशग्वश्चोक्तः ।

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 167 the Navagvas are said to have completed their sacrifices in ten months. Sâyaṇa's explanation is, therefore, fully war- ranted by these texts, and very probably it is based on some traditional information about the Dashagvas. Prof. Lig- nana of Rome,* suggests that the numerals navan and dashan in these names should be taken as referring to the period of gestation, as the words nava-mâhya and dasha-mâhya occur in the Vendidad, V, 45, (136), in the same sense. Thus interpreted Navagva would mean 'born of nine months,' and Dashagva 'born of ten months.' But this explanation is highly improb- able, inasmuch as we cannot first suppose that a number of persons were born prematurely in early times, and secondly that it was specially such persons that attained almost divine honours. The usual period of gestation is 280 days or ten lunar months (V, 78, 9), and those that were born a month earlier cannot be ordinarily expected to live long or to perform feats which would secure them divine honours. The reference to the Vendidad proves nothing, for there the case of a still- born child after a gestation of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, or 10 months is under consideration, and Ahura Mazda enjoins that the house where such a still-born child is brought forth should be cleaned and sanctified in a special way. Prof. Lignana's explanation again conflicts with the Vedic texts which say that the Dashagvas were ten in number (III, 39, 5), or that the Navagvas sacrificed only for ten months (V, 47, 5). Sâyaṇa's explanation is, therefore, the only one entitled to our acceptance. I may here mention that the Ṛig- Veda (V, 47, 7 and 11) speaks of ten months' sacrifice only in connection with the Navagvas, and does not mention any sac- rifice of nine months. But the etymology of the names now helps us in assigning the ten months' sacrifice to the Dashagvas and

• See his Essay in the Proceedings of the 7th International Con- gress of the Orientalists, pp. 59-68.

168 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. the nine months' to the Navagvas. For navan in Navagva is only a numerical variation for dashan in Dashagva, and it follows, therefore, that what the Dashagvas did by tens, the Navagvas did by nines. There is another circumstance connected with the Aṅgi- rases which further strengthens our conclusion, and which must, therefore, be stated in this place. The Aṅgirases are sometimes styled the Virūpas. Thus in ·III, 53, 7, the Aṅgi- rases are described as "Virūpas, and sons of heaven"; and the name Virūpa once occurs by itself as that of a single being, who sings the praises of Agni, in a stanza (VIII, 75, 6) imme- diately following one in which Aṅgiras is invoked, showing that Virūpa is here used as a synonym for Aṅgiras. But the most explicit of these references is X, 62, 5 and 6. The first of these verses states that the Aṅgirases are Virūpas, and they are the sons of Agni; while the second describes them along with the Navagva and the Dashagva in the following terms, "And which Virūpas were born from Agni and from the sky; the Navagva or the Dashagva, as the best of the Aṅgirases (Aṅgiras-tama), prospers in the assemblage of the gods."* Now Virūpas literal- ly means 'of various forms,' and in the above verses it seems to have been used as an adjective qualifying Aṅgirases to de- note that there are many species of them. We are further told that the Navagvas and the Dashagvas were the most important (Aṅgiras-tamaḥ) of these species. In the last chapter I have discussed the meaning of the adjective Vi- rūpa as applied to a couple of Day and Night and have shown, on the authority of Mādhava, that the word, as applied to days and nights, denotes their duration, or the period of time over which they extend. Virūpas in the present instance appears to be used precisely in the same

• Rig. X, 62, 6,—ये अग्नेः परि जज्ञिरे विरूपासो दिवस्परि । नवग्वो नु दशग्वो अंगिरस्तमः सचा देवेषु मंहते ॥

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 169 sense. The Navagvas and the Dashagvas were no doubt the most important of the early sacrificers, but these too were not their only species. In other words they were not merely ‘nine-going,’ and ‘ten-going,’ but ‘various-going’ (virûpas), meaning that the duration of their sacrifices was sometimes shorter than nine and sometimes longer than ten months. In fact a Sapta-gu (seven-going) is mentioned in X, 47, 6, along with Bṛihaspati, the son of Aṅgiras, and it seems to be used there as an adjective qualifying Bṛihaspati; for Bṛihaspati is described in another place (IV, 50, 4) as saptâsya (seven-mouthed), while the Atharva-Veda IV, 6, 1, describes the first Brâhmaṇa, Bṛihas- pati, as dashâsya or ten-mouthed. We have also seen that in IV, 51, 4, the Dashagva is also called ‘seven-mouthed.’ All these expressions can be satisfactorily explained only by supposing that the Aṅgirases were not merely ‘nine-going’ or ‘ten-go- ing,’ but virûpas or ‘various-going,’ and that they completed their sacrifices within the number of months for which the sun was above the horizon at the place where these sacrifices were performed. It follows, therefore, that in ancient times the sacrificial session lasted from seven to ten months; and the number of sacrificers (Hotṛis) corresponded with the number of the months, each doing his duty by rotation somewhat after the manner of the Egyptian priests previously referred to. These sacrifices were over when the long night com- menced, during which Indra fought with Vala and van- quished him by the end of the year (parivatsare, X, 62, 2). The word parivatsare (at the end of the year) is very sug- gestive and shows that the year closed with the long night. Another reference to a period of ten months’ sun-shine is found in the legend of Dîrghatamas whom the Ashvins are said to have saved or rescued from a pit, into which he was thrown, after being made blind and infirm. I have devoted a separate chapter later on to the discussion of

170 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. Vedic legends. But I take up here the legend of Dîrgha- tamas because we have therein an express statement as to the life of Dîrghatamas, which remarkably corroborates the con- clusion we have arrived at from the consideration of the story of the Dashagvas. The story of Dîrghatamas is narrated in the Mahâbhârata, Âdiparvan, Chap. 104. He is said to be the son of Mamatâ by Utathya, and born blind through the curse of Bṛihaspati his uncle. He was, however, married and had several sons by Pradveṣhî. The wife and the sons eventually became tired of feeding the blind Dîrghatamas ( so called because he was born blind ), and the sons abandoned him afloat on a worn- out raft in the Ganges. He drifted on the waters for a long time and distance, when at last the king Bali picked him up. Dîrgha- tamas then had several sons born to him from a dâsî or a female slave, and also from the wife of Bali, the sons of Bali's wife be- coming kings of different provinces. In the Ṛig-Veda Dîrgha- tamas is one of the proteges of the Ashvins, and about 25 hymns in the first Maṇḍala are ascribed to him. He is called Mâmat- eya, or the son of Mamatâ in I, 152, 6, and Uchathya's offspring in I, 158, 4. In the latter hymn he invokes the Ashvins for the purpose of rescuing him from the ordeals of fire and water to- which he was subjected by the Dâsa Traitana. In I, 147, 3 and IV, 4, 13, Agni is, however, said to have restored to Dîrgha- tamas his eyesight. But the statement need not surprise us as the achievements of one deity are very often ascribed to another in the Ṛig-Veda. Dîrghatamas does not stand alone in being thus rescued by the Ashvins. Chyavâna is spoken of as another protege of the Ashvins, and they are said to have restored him to youth. Vandana and a host of others are similarly mentioned as being saved, rescued, cured, protected or rejuvenated by the Ashvins. All these achievements are now understood as referring to the exploit of restoring to the sun

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 171 his decayed power in the winter. But with the expression "like the sun dwelling in darkness" before us, in the legend of Vandana (I, 117, 5), we must make these legends refer not merely to the decayed power of the sun in winter, but to his actual sinking below the horizon for some time. Bearing this in mind, let us try to see what inference we can deduce, so far as the subject in hand is concerned, from the legend of Dîrghatamas. The statement in the myth or legend, which is most im- portant for our purpose, is contained in I, 158, 6. The verse may be literally translated as follows:—"Dîrghatamas, the son of Mamatâ, having grown decrepit in the tenth yuga, becomes a Brahman charioteer of the waters wending to their goal."* The only expressions which require elucidation in this verse are "in the tenth yuga" and "waters wending to their goal." Otherwise the story is plain enough. Dîrghatamas grows old in the tenth yuga, and riding on waters, as the Mahâbhârata story has it, goes along with them to the place which is the goal of these waters. But scholars are not agreed as to what yuga means. Some take it to mean a cycle of years, presumably five as in the Vedânga-Jyotiṣha, and invest Dîrghatamas with infirmity at the age of fifty. The Petersburg Lexicon would interpret yuga, wherever it occurs in the Ṛig-Veda, to mean not 'a period of time,' but 'a generation,' or 'the relation of descent from a common stock'; and it is followed by Grassmann in this respect. According to these scholars the phrase "in the tenth yuga" in the above verse would, therefore, signify "in the tenth generation" whatever that may mean. Indeed, there seems to be a kind of prejudice against interpreting yuga as meaning 'a period of time' in the Ṛig-Veda, and it is, therefore, necessary to examine the

• Ṛig. I, 158, 6— दीर्घतमा मामतेयो जुजुर्वान् दशमे युगे । अपामर्थं यतीनां ब्रह्मा भवति सारथिः ॥

172 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. point at some length in this place. That the word yuga by itself means 'a period of time,' or that, at any rate, it is one of its meanings goes without saying. Even the Petersburg Lexicon assigns this meaning to yuga in the Atharva Veda VIII, 2, 21 ; but so far as the Ṛig-Veda is concerned yuga, according to it, must mean 'descent,' or 'generation,' or some- thing like it, but never 'a period of time.' This is especially the case with the phrase Mânuṣhâ yugâ, or Manuṣhyâ yugâni, which occurs several times in the Ṛig-Veda. Western scho- lars would everywhere translate it to mean 'generations of men,' while native scholars, like Sâyaṇa and Mahîdhara, take it to refer to 'mortal ages' in a majority of places. In some cases (I, 124, 2 ; I, 144, 4) Sayâṇa, however, suggests, as an alternative, that the phrase may be understood to mean 'con- junction' or 'couples (yuga) of men' : and this has probably given rise to the interpretation put upon the phrase by Western scholars. Etymologically the word yuga may mean 'conjunc- tion' or 'a couple,' denoting either (1) 'a couple of day and night,' or (2) 'a couple of months,' i.e. 'a season,' or (3) 'a couple of fortnights,' or 'the time of the conjunction of the moon and the sun,' i. e. 'a month.' Thus at the beginning of the Kali- Yuga the planets and the sun were, it is supposed, in conjunc- tion and hence it is said to be called a yuga. It is also possible that the word may mean 'a conjunction, or a couple, or even a generation of men,' Etymology, therefore, does not help us in determining which of these meanings should be assigned to the word yuga, or the phrase Mânuṣhâ yugâ in the Ṛig- Veda, and we must find out some other means for determining it. The prejudice we have referred to above, appears to be mainly due to the disinclination of the Western scholars to import the later Yuga theory into the Ṛig-Veda. But it seems to me that the caution has been carried too far, so far as almost to amount to a sort of prejudice.

MONTHS AND SEASONS. 173 Turning to the hymns of the Ṛig-Veda, we find as remark- ed by Muir, the phrase yuge yuge used at least in half a dozen places (III, 26, 3; VI, 15, 8; X, 94, 12, &c.), and it is interpreted by Sâyaṇa to mean a period of time. In III, 33, 8, and X, 10, 10, we have uttara yugáni 'later ages,' and in X, 72, 1, we read uttare yuge 'in a later age'; whilst in the next two verses we have the phrases Devânâm pûrvye yuge and Devânâm prathame yuge clearly referring to the later and earlier ages of the gods. The word Devânâm is in the plural and yuga is in the singular, and it is not therefore possible to take the phrase to mean 'generations of gods.' The context again clearly shows that a reference to time is intended, for the hymn speaks of the creation and the birth of the gods in early primeval times. Now if we interpret Devânâm yugam to mean 'an age of gods,' why should manushyâ yugâni or mânushâ yugâ be not interpreted to mean 'human ages,' is more than I can understand. There are again express passages in the Ṛig-Veda where mânushâ yugâ cannot be taken to mean 'generations of men.' Thus in V, 52, 4, which is a hymn to Maruts, we read Vishve ye mânushâ yugâ pânti martyam rishaḥ. Here the verb is pânti (protect), the nominative vishve ye (all those), and the object is martyam (the mortal man), while rishaḥ (from injury), in the ablative, denotes the object against which the protection is sought. So far the sentence, therefore, means "All those who protect man from injury"; and now the question is, what does mânushâ yugâ mean? If we take it to mean "genera- tions of men" in the objective case it becomes superfluous, for martyam (man) is already the object of pânti (protect). It is, therefore, necessary to assign to mânushâ yugâ the only other meaning we know of, viz., 'human ages' and take the phrase as an accusative of time. Thus interpreted the whole sentence means "All those, who protect man from injury during human ages." No other construction is more natural

174 THE ARCTIC HOME IN THE VEDAS. or reasonable than this; but still Prof. Max Muller translates the verse to mean "All those who protect the generations of men, who protect the mortal from injury,"* in spite of the fact that this is tautological and that there is no conjunctive par- ticle in the text (like cha) to join what according to him are the two objects of the verb 'protect.' Mr. Griffith seems to have perceived this difficulty, and has translated, "Who all, through ages of mankind, guard mortal man from injury." Another passage which is equally decisive on this point, is X, 140, 6. The verse† is addressed to Agni, and people are said to have put him in front to secure his blessings. It is as follows :— Ritâvânam mahisham vishva-darshatam agnim sumnâya, dadhire puro janâḥ Shrut-karṇam saprathas-tamam tvâ girâ daivyam mânushâ yugâ ॥ Here ṛitâvânam (righteous), mahisham (strong), vishva-dar- shatam (visible to all), agnim (Agni, fire), shrut-karṇam (attentive eared), saprathas-tamam (most widely-reaching), tvâ (thee) and daivyam (divine) are all in the accusative case governed by dadhire (placed), and describe the qualities of Agni. Janâḥ (people) is the nominative and dadhire (placed) is the only verb in the text. Sumnâya (for the welfare) denotes the purpose for which the people placed Agni in front (puro) ; and girâ (by praises) is the means by which the favour of Agni is to be secured. If we, therefore, leave out the various adjectives of Agni, the verse means, "The people have placed Agni (as described) in front for their welfare, with praises." The only expression that remains is mânushâ yugâ, and it can go in with other words in a natural way only as an accusative of time. The verse would then mean

• See S. B. E. Series, Vol. XXXII, p. 312. † Rig. X, 140, 6,—ऋतावानं महिषं विश्वदर्शतमग्निं सुम्नाय दधिरे पुरो जनाः। श्रुत्कर्णं सप्रथस्तमं त्वा गिरा दैव्यं मानुषा युगा ॥