द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

A GLIMPSE OF THE FUTURE 343 tians is becoming rapidly pro-Congress. In 1930, when the writer was in prison in the Alipore Central Jail in Calcutta, among his fellow-prisoners there was a fine set of young Indian Christians who had joined the civil-disobedience move- ment and they were typical of the new awakening in their community. Fourthly, so far as the Anglo-Indians are con- cerned, a distinct change is visible. Till recently they were the loyal supporters of the Government and the henchmen of the British. They looked upon England as their spiritual home and themselves as British in everything except in the pigment of their skin. The Government, too, gave them special facilities and privileges—not granted to Indians. But things are changing now. Anglo-Indians have been made statutory natives of India under the law of the land. The leader of the community, Lieut.-Col. Sir H. Gidney, addressed an appeal to his community the other day asking them to look upon India as their home and to feel proud of India. Feeling is steadily growing in the community that they should no longer try to hobnob with Britishers, but should throw in their lot with the children of the soil. Fifthly, so far as the non-official Britishers are concerned, they can hardly do anything more for the Government in suppressing the Nationalist movement. There has long been close co-operation between the Government and the non-official British community in this matter—but in spite of that, the Nationalist movement has been making headway. In the days to come, the influence of the non-official British community is likely to diminish rather than increase. In Bombay, for instance, business supremacy has already passed into the hands of the Indians. In 1932, the British firms in Bombay had to pass a resolution, expressing sympathy with the Nationalist movement in order to save themselves from a crushing and effective boycott. The Ottawa Pact and the Indo-British Textile Agreement represent the last attempt of the non- official British community to maintain the status quo—but how long can they stem the rising tide of Nationalism? Thus, according to human calculation, it appears certain that the Government will not be able to permanently weaken the nationalist forces in India by placating the minorities.

344 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE No popular upheaval is, however, possible till the promul- gation of the new reforms. Thereafter it will take a few years —probably two or three—for the people to be completely disillusioned. Then there will be the beginning of another mass upheaval. What exact form this upheaval will take, it is difficult to determine at this stage. During the next few years the inner condition of the Congress will be somewhat unsettled, that is to say, no party will be sufficiently strong to be able to suppress the others. The Socialist Party in the form it has assumed to-day— cannot make much headway. The composition of the Party is not homogeneous and some of its ideas are out-of-date. But the instinct that has urged the formation of the Party is right. Out of this Left-Wing revolt there will ultimately emerge a new full-fledged party, with a clear ideology, programme and plan of action. It is not possible at this stage to visualise the details of this Party’s programme and plan of action—but one may attempt to give the bare outlines:

1. The Party will stand for the interests of the masses, that is of the peasants, workers, etc., and not for the vested interests, that is, the landlords, capitalists and money-lending classes.
2. It will stand for the complete political and economic liberation of the Indian people.
3. It will stand for a Federal Government for India as the ultimate goal, but will believe in a strong Central Government with dictatorial powers for some years to come, in order to put India on her feet.
4. It will believe in a sound system of state-planning for the re-organisation of the agricultural and industrial life of the country.
5. It will seek to build up a new social structure on the basis of the village communities of the past, that were ruled by the village ‘Panch’ and will strive to break down existing social barriers like caste.
6. It will seek to establish a new monetary and credit system in the light of the theories and the experi- ments that have been and are current in the modern world.

A GLIMPSE OF THE FUTURE 345 7. It will seek to abolish landlordism and introduce a uniform land-tenure system for the whole of India. 8. It will not stand for a democracy in the Mid-Victorian sense of the term, but will believe in government by a strong party bound together by military discipline, as the only means of holding India together and preventing a chaos, when Indians are free and are thrown entirely on their own resources. 9. It will not restrict itself to a campaign inside India but will resort to international propaganda¹ also, in order to strengthen India’s case for liberty and will attempt to utilise the existing international organi- sations. 10. It will endeavour to unite all the radical organisations under a national executive so that whenever any action is taken, there will be simultaneous activity on many fronts. A question which is on everybody’s lips in Europe is: ‘What is the future of Communism in India?’ In this con- nection it is worth while quoting the expressed opinion of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,² whose popularity in India to-day is, according to the writer, second only to that of Mahatma Gandhi. In a Press statement issued on December 18th, 1933, he said: ‘I do believe that fundamentally the choice before the world to-day is one between some form of Com- munism and some form of Fascism, and I am all for the former, that is Communism.’ I dislike Fascism intensely and indeed I do not think it is anything more than a crude and brutal effort of the present capitalist order to preserve itself at ¹ In 1920, when Mahatma Gandhi took charge of the Congress, he abolished the Congress Committee in London and its paper India which represented the only organ for propaganda for India outside her shores. Recently a change seems to have come over him. In January 1932, just before his arrest, the Congress Working Committee, at his instance, issued an appeal to the nations of the world for sympathy for India in her struggle for liberty. ² It should be made perfectly clear that this is Pandit Nehru’s personal opinion and not the opinion of the Indian National Congress. Nor does his popularity imply that his views find acceptance among the rank and file of the Congress—just as Mahatma Gandhi’s unprecedented popularity does not imply that his followers wear loin-cloth or drink goat’s-milk.

346 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE any cost. There is no middle road between Fascism and Com- munism. One has to choose between the two and I choose the Communist ideal. In regard to the methods and approach to this ideal, I may not agree with everything that the orthodox Communists have done. I think that these methods will have to adapt themselves to changing conditions and may vary in different countries. But I do think that the basic ideology of Communism and its scientific interpretation of history is sound.' The view expressed here is, according to the writer, fundamentally wrong. Unless we are at the end of the process of evolution or unless we deny evolution altogether, there is no reason to hold that our choice is restricted to two alternatives. Whether one believes in the Hegelian or in the Bergsonian or any other theory of evolution—in no case need we think that creation is at an end. Considering everything, one is inclined to hold that the next phase in world-history will produce a synthesis between Communism and Fascism. And will it be a surprise if that synthesis is produced in India? The view has been expressed in the Introduction that in spite of India's geographical isolation, the Indian awakening is organically connected with the march of progress in other parts of the world and facts and figures have been mentioned to substantiate that view. Consequently, there need be no surprise if an experiment, of importance to the whole world, is made in India—especially when we have seen with our own eyes that another experiment (that of Mahatma Gandhi) made in India has roused profound interest all over the world. In spite of the antithesis between Communism and Fascism, there are certain traits common to both. Both Communism and Fascism believe in the supremacy of the State over the individual. Both denounce parliamentarian democracy. Both believe in party rule. Both believe in the dictatorship of the party and in the ruthless suppression of all dissenting minorities. Both believe in a planned industrial reorganisation of the country. These common traits will form the basis of the new synthesis. That synthesis is called by the writer 'Samyavada'—an Indian word, which means literally

A GLIMPSE OF THE FUTURE 347 'the doctrine of synthesis or equality.' It will be India's task to work out this synthesis. There are several reasons why Communism will not be adopted in India. Firstly, Communism to-day has no sympathy with Nationalism in any form and the Indian movement is a Nationalist movement—a movement for the national liberation of the Indian people. (Lenin's thesis on the relation between Communism and Nationalism seems to have been given the go-by since the failure of the last Chinese Revolution.) Secondly, Russia is now on her defensive and has little interest in provoking a world revolution, though the Communist International may still endeavour to keep up appearances. The recent pacts between Russia and other capitalist countries and the written or unwritten conditions inherent in such pacts, as also her membership of the League of Nations, have seriously compromised the position of Russia as a revolutionary power. Moreover, Russia is too preoccupied in her internal industrial reorganisation and in her preparations for meeting the Japanese menace on her eastern flank and is too anxious to maintain friendly relations with the Great Powers, to show any active interest in countries like India. Thirdly, while many of the economic ideas of Communism would make a strong appeal to Indians there are other ideas which will have a contrary effect. Owing to the close association between the Church and the State in Russian history and to the existence of an organised Church, Com- munism in Russia has grown to be anti-religious and atheistic. In India, on the contrary, there being no organised Church among the Indians and there being no association between the Church and the State, there is no feeling against religion as such.¹ Fourthly, the materialistic interpretation of history which seems to be a cardinal point in Communist theory will not find unqualified acceptance in India, even among those who would be disposed to accept the economic contents of Communism. Fifthly, while Communist theory has made certain remarkable contributions in the domain of economics (for instance the idea of state-planning), it is weak in other ¹ Further, in India a national awakening is in most cases heralded by a religious reformation and a cultural renaissance.

348 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE aspects. For instance, so far as the monetary problem is concerned, Communism has made no new contribution, but has merely followed traditional economics. Recent ex- periences, however, indicate that the monetary problem of the world is still far from being satisfactorily solved. While, therefore, it would be safe to predict that India will not become a new edition of Soviet Russia, one may say with equal strength that all the modern socio-political movements and experiments in Europe and in America will have con- siderable influence on India's development. Of late, India has been taking and in future will continue to take, more and more interest in what goes on in the outside world. To come back to the Congress. The present controversy between Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Madan Mohon Mala- viya is of passing interest as the issue is a very minor one. Neither the Congress Nationalist Party nor the official Con- gress Parliamentary Party has a rôle to play in future, because both of them are heterogeneous parties without any clear ideology or programme. It only remains to consider the future of Gandhiism in India. It has been urged sometimes that Gandhiism is an alternative to Communism. This idea is, in the opinion of the writer, erroneous. Mahatma Gandhi has given the country—(and may be, the world) a new method —the method of passive-resistance or Satygraha or non-violent non-co-operation. He has not given his country or humanity a new programme of social reconstruction as Communism has —and the alternative to Communism can be only another theory of social reconstruction. No doubt, the Mahatma has condemned the ‘machine civilisation’ of the modern world and has eulogised the good old days when men were content with their cottage industries and their wants were few. But that is a personal belief or idiosyncrasy. Whenever he has expounded the contents of Swaraj, he has spoken in the language of Mid-Victorian Parliamentarian Democracy and of traditional capitalist economics. The ‘Eleven Points’ which he enunciated in 1930 as connoting his ‘substance of independence,’ will be unreservedly accepted by any Indian industrial magnate. One could therefore say that the Mahatma does not intend pulling down the modern industrial structure

A GLIMPSE OF THE FUTURE 349 if he were to get political mastery over his country, nor does he desire to completely industrialise the country. His pro- gramme is one of reform—he is fundamentally a reformist and not a revolutionary. He would leave the existing social and economic structure much as it is to-day (he would not even abolish the army altogether) and would content himself with removing the glaring injustices and inequalities against which his moral sense revolts. There are millions of his countrymen who accept his method owing to the pressure of circum- stances, but not his programme of reconstruction, and who would like to build up quite a different India if they had the power. As has been already indicated, the future of India ultimately lies with a party with a clear ideology, programme and plan of action—a party that will not only fight for and win freedom, but will put into effect the entire programme of post-War reconstruction—a party that will break the isolation that has been India's curse and bring her into the comity of nations—firm in the belief that the fate of India is indis- solubly linked up with the fate of humanity.

APPENDIX Since the above was written, three events deserving of notice have taken place. The plenary session of the Congress met in Bombay on October 26th, 1934. The elections to the Indian Legislative Assembly, in which the Congress Party has . been participating, began in November. And the Report of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms was published on November 2nd, 1934. The two important resolutions passed by the Bombay Congress refer (1) to a change of the Congress Constitution and (2) Constitution of an all-India Village Industries Asso- ciation. The second resolution connotes an extension of the existing Khadi (spinning and weaving) programme of the Congress and indicates that the Congress desires to emphasise non-political work. The first resolution has two principle parts. (1) Reduction in the numerical strength of the Congress delegates and of the all-India Congress Committee and (2) provision of a rule that one must habitually wear Khadi for six months in order to be elected a member of a Congress Executive. Both the above resolutions may be regarded as the Mahatma’s handiwork. According to the Congress Constitution in vogue for thirteen years, the number of delegates to be elected to a Plenary Session of the Congress was 6000, while the strength of the All-India Congress Committee was about 350. At the Lahore Congress in December 1929, an attempt was made by Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru and others to reduce the stand of the former to 1000 and of the latter to 100. But the attempt was defeated. The Bombay Congress has now reduced the former to 2000 and the latter to 155. The signifi- cance of this move in very great. When in 1920, the Mahatma seized the Congress machinery and turned out the older leaders, the forces of democracy were on his side and the Nagpur Congress of 1920 was attended by no less than 14,000 delegates. To-day, the Mahatma is afraid of the forces of democracy which he has helped to stir up, hence his attempt to 350

APPENDIX 351 reduce the stand not only of the Congress delegates, but also of the All-India and Provincial Congress Committees. Verily, the Mahatma has ceased to be a dynamic force. May be, it is the effect of age. But why did the Congress swallow the constitutional amendment? The reason is not far to seek. In May 1933, the Mahatma was able to suspend the civil-disobedience move- ment under cover of his three weeks' fast. In November 1934, he was able to alter the constitution under cover of his retirement from the Congress. On both occasions, so great was the sympathy roused for the Mahatma that emotional and unthinking people accepted everything that the Mahatma proposed, if only that would please him. The question here arises—'has the Mahatma retired? If so, why?' He has retired in the sense that his name does not appear in the list of members of the Supreme Executive of the Congress. But the executive—the Working Committee— has been backed by his blind supporters. The present Work- ing Committee is more submissive to the Mahatma than even the Working Committee of last year, of which the Mahatma was himself a member. Among the personnel of the present Working Committee, the Swarajists or Parliamentarians are conspicuous by their absence. Even, Mr. M. S. Anay who dared to differ from the Mahatma on the question of the Communal Award, is not there, despite his loyalty and sub- missiveness in the past. And poor Mr. Nariman who ventured to think independently, has been virtually kicked out of the Committee. In 1924, the Mahatma had really retired from Congress Politics together with his Party, as the Congress machinery had been seized by his opponents, the Swarajists. To-day, the person of the Mahatma may not be in the Com- mittee—but his Party is there, stronger than ever. Moreover, he has a direct control over the most important department of future Congress activity—the Village Industries Association. The so-called retirement of the Mahatma will not, accordingly, diminish his hold over the Congress machinery in anyway— but will enable him to disown all responsibility for the failures of the official Congress Party during the next few years. His retirement, therefore, is only one of his strategic retreats to

352 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE which he is in the habit of resorting, whenever there is a political slump in the country. With regard to the elections to the Indian Legislative Assembly, the latest report (dated November 24th, 1934) goes to show that the official Congress Party has captured 43 seats, the Congress Nationalist Party 8 seats and others ap- proximately 46. Among the 46 non-descripts, at least 10 are expected to be close upon sixty in a house of approximately 145 members. The Report of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms contains no surprises for one who is familiar with the contents of the White Paper. The Report is approved by a large majority of 31 members of the Committee. The Labour members of the Committee have submitted an alternative scheme which is much more liberal than the majority report. On the other hand, Lord Salisbury and four other members have submitted, and the report concedes only provincial autonomy and opposes responsible Government at the centre. The majority report has whittled down still further the already inadequate proposals of the White Paper with a view to placating the Die-hard opposition in Parliament. In view of the whittling down, it is widely believed that when the Government of India Bill is introduced on the basis of the report of the Joint Committee, it will have the support of an overwhelming majority in the House of Commons. The following are some of the important points on which the Joint Committee modify the White Paper proposals :- I. Additional provisions are recommended in relation to 'Law and Order' as follows :- (i) The consent of the Governor, given in his dis- cretion, should be required to any legislation affecting Police Acts and to any rules made there- under affecting the organisation or discipline of the Police. (ii) Records of the Intelligence Department relating to terrorism should not be disclosed outside the Police Force except to such public officers as the Governor may direct.

APPENDIX 353 (iii) For the purpose of combating terrorism, the Governor should have the power to take under his own control any branch of Government which it is necessary to use for that purpose. 2. Ministers and Secretaries to Government would be required to bring to the notice of the Governor anything that is likely to involve his 'special respon- sibilities.' 3. Upper Chambers should be established in Madras and Bombay as well as in Bengal, United Provinces and Bihar. 4. Election to the Federal Lower House should be indirect, by the members of the Provincial Lower Houses, instead of direct by voters in territorial constituencies. 5. If less than 90 per cent. of the State adhere to the Federation, additional States representatives should be appointed to the Federal Legislature to the extent of half the difference between the seats to which the Federating States would ordinarily be entitled and the full State's representation if all the States acceded. 6. The High Courts should have control over the pro- motions and postings of subordinate Judges, and the Governor should have the final word in the appoint- ment of District Judges. 7. The Governor-General should have a special responsi- bility to prevent the imposition of penal tariffs on goods imported from the United Kingdom. 8. The Legislatures in India, should after ten years, have the constitutional right to present Addresses, for the consideration of His Majesty's Government and Parliament, recommending amendment of the Con- stitution on certain specified matters such as compo- sition of the Legislatures and franchise. 9. The separation of Burma from India should be accom- panied by a Trade Agreement between the two countries binding for a specified time. As far as it can be ascertained, public opinion in India is exceedingly hostile to the Joint Committee's Report. Never- theless, the Bill, based on the Report, is expected to be put through the British Parliament before the end of 1935.