हम्मीर महाकाव्यम् (रणथम्भौर चौहान वीरगाथा एवं इतिहास)

27 son. The four quarters of the earth assumed a beautiful appearance; balmy winds began to blow; the sky became clear; the sun shone graciously; the king testified his joy by showering gold on the Brâhmaṇs, and by making thankofferings. The astrologers predicted, from the very favourable conjunction of the stars that presided over the child's nativity, that the prince would make the whole earth wet with the blood of the enemies of his country, the Muḥammadans. Hammîra (for that was the name bestowed on the child) throve and grew up a strong and handsome boy. He easily mastered the sciences, and soon grew an expert in the art of war. When he attained a proper age, his father had him married to seven beautiful wives. Jaitrasiṅgh had two other sons also, Surattrâṇa and Vîrama, who were great warriors. Finding that his sons were now able to relieve him of the burden of government, Jaitrasiṅgh one day talked over the matter with Hammîra, and, after giving him excellent advice as to how he was to be- have, he gave over the charge of the state to him, and himself went to live in the forest. This happened in Saṁvat 1380 (A.D. 1283).¹⁴ Being endowed with the six guṇas and the three śaktis, Hammîra now resolved to set out on a series of warlike ex- peditions. The first place which he visited was Sarasapûra, the capital of Râja Arjuna. Here a battle was fought, in which Arjuna was defeated and reduced to submission. Next the prince marched on Gaḍhamaṇḍala, which saved itself by paying tribute. From Gaḍhamaṇḍala Hammîra advanced upon Dhâra. Here was reigning a Râja Bhoja, who, like his famous namesake, was the friend of poets. After defeating Bhoja, the army arrived at Ujjain, where the elephants, ¹⁴ The text runs as follows —ततश्च सप्तनववन्हिवन्हिभद्रासने माधवलक्षपक्षे। पौष्यां तिथौ हेलिदिने सपुष्ये ज्योतिर्विदादिष्टबले विलग्ने ॥

28 horses, and men bathed in the clear waters of the Kshiprâ. The prince also performed his ablutions in the river and paid his devotions at the shrine of Mahâkâla. In a grand procession he then passed through the principal streets of the old city: From Ujjain, Hammîra marched to Chitrakoṭa (Chitoḍ), and ravaging Modapâṭa (Mewâḍ), went on to Mount Âbû. Though a follower of the Vedas, Hammîra here worshipped at the temple of Rishabha Dêva,—for the great do not make invidious distinctions. The king was also present at a recitation in honour of Vastupâl. He stayed for some days at the hermitage of Vasishṭha, and, bathing in the Mandâkinî, paid his devotions to Achalêśvara. Here he was much astonished at seeing the works which Arjuna had executed. The king of Âbû was a famous warrior, but his prowess little vailed him at this juncture, and he was obliged to submit to Hammîra. Leaving Âbû, the king arrived at Varddhanapura, which city he plundered and despoiled. Changâ met with the same fate. Hence, by way of Ajmer, Hammîra went to Puṣhkara, where he paid his devotions to Âdivarâha (the primeval boar). From Pushkara the prince repaired to Śâkambhari. On the way the towns of Marhatâ,¹⁵ Khaṇḍilla, Chamdâ, and Kâṅkrolî were plundered. Tribhuvanêndra came to see him at Kâṅkrolî, and presented to him many rich gifts. After having accomplished these brilliant exploits, Hammîra returned to his capital. The advent of the king caused a great commotion there. All the great officers of state, headed by Dharmasingh, came out in procession to receive their victorious monarch. The streets were lined by loving subjects eager to get a glimpse of their king. ¹⁵ There is no town of this name that Hammîra could have ravaged on his way to Śâkambhari. There is such a town as Medatâ, on the borders of Mewâd.

29 Some days after this, Hammîra inquired of his spiritual guide, Viśvarûpa, as to the efficacy of the merits arising from the performance of a sacrifice called the Koṭi-yajña, and being answered by the high priest that admittance into Svarga-loka was secured by the performance of the sacrifice, the king ordered that preparations should be made for the Koṭiyajña. Accord- ingly, learned Brâhmans from all parts of the country were convened, and the sacrifice was completed according to the ordi- nances laid down for its performance in the holy Śâstras. The Brâhmans were sumptuously feasted, and handsome dakshiṇas were given to them. To crown all, the king now entered on the Munivrata, which he was to observe for an entire month. While these things were taking place at Raṇathambhôr, many changes had occurred at Dehli, where 'Alâu'd-dîn was now reigning. Apprised of what was passing at Raṇatham- bhôr, he commanded his younger brother Ulugh Khân¹⁶ to take an army with him into the Chohân country and to lay it waste. "Jaitrasingh," he said, "paid us tribute; but this son of his not only does not pay the tribute, but takes every opportunity of showing the contempt in which he holds us. Here is an opportunity to annihilate his power." Thus com- manded, Ulugh Khân invaded the Raṇathambhôr country with an army of 80,000 horse. When this army reached the Varṇanâśâ river, it was found that the roads which led into the enemy's country were not practicable for cavalry. Ulugh Khân, therefore, encamped here for some days, burning and destroying the villages in the neighbourhood. The king at Raṇathambhôr, not having yet completed the Munivrata, was unable to take the field in person. He therefore despatched his generals, Bhîmasingh and Dhar- masingh, to drive away the invaders. The king's army came ¹⁶ Malik Mûizzu'd dîn Ulugh Khân, called "Aluf Khan" by Briggs in his translation of Firishtah.

30 upon the invaders at a place on the Varṇanâśâ, and gained a decisive advantage over the enemy, great numbers of whom were killed. Contenting himself with the advantage thus gained, Bhîmasingh began to retrace his steps towards Raṇathaṁ- bhôr, Ulugh Khân secretly following him with the main body of his army. Now it so happened that the soldiers of Bhîma- singh, who had obtained immense booty, were anxious to carry it home safely, and, in their anxiety to do this, they outstripped their chief, who had around him only a small band of his personal followers. When Bhîmasingh had thus gained the middle of the Hindavât pass, in the pride of victory he ordered the kettledrums and other musical instruments he had captured from the enemy to be vigorously sounded. This act had an unforeseen and disastrous consequence. Ulugh Khân had ordered his army to follow Bhîmasingh in small detachments, and had commanded them to fall on him wherever he should sound his martial instruments, which they were to understand as the signal of some great advantage gained over the enemy. When the detached parties, therefore, of the Muhammadans heard the sound of the nagâras, they poured into the pass from all sides, and Ulugh Khân also coming up began to fight with Bhîma- singh. The Hindu general for a time nobly sustained the unequal combat, but was at last wounded and killed. After gaining this signal advantage over the enemy, Ulugh Khân returned to Dehli. Hammîra, after the completion of the sacrifice, learnt the details of the battle and of the death of his general Bhîmasingh. He upbraided Dharmasingh for desert- ing Bhîmasingh, and called him blind, as he could not see that Ulugh Khân was on the track of the army. He also called him impotent as he did not rush to the rescue of Bhîma- singh. Not content with thus upbraiding Dharmasingh, the king ordered the offending general to be blinded and castrated.

31 Dharmasingh was also superseded in the command of the army by Bhoja Deva, a natural brother of the Rája, and a sentence of banishment was passed upon him, but, at Bhoja's intercession, it was not carried out. Dharmasingh, thus mutilated and disgraced, was bitterly mortified at the treatment he had received at the king's hands, and resolved to be avenged. In pursuance of his determination, he contracted an intimate friendship with one Râdhâ Dévî, a courtesan, who was a great favourite at court. Râdhâ Dévî kept her blind friend well acquainted every day as to what was passing at court. One day it so happened that Râdhâ Dévî returned home quite cross and dejected, and when her blind friend asked her the cause of her low spirits, she answered that the king had lost that day many horses of the celha disease, and consequently paid little attention to her dancing and singing, and that this state of things, in all probability, was likely to continue long. The blind man bade her be of good cheer, as he would see ere long that all was right again. She was only to take the opportunity of insinuating to the king that Dhar- masingh, if restored to his former post, would present the king with twice the number of horses that had lately died. Râ- dhâ Dévî played her part well, and the king, yielding to avarice, restored Dharmasingh to his former post. Dharmasingh thus restored, only thought of revenge. He pandered to the king's avarice, and by his oppression and exactions reduced the rayats to a miserable condition and made them detest their monarch. He spared no one from whom anything could be got—horses, money, anything worth having. The king, whose treasury he thus replenished, was much pleased with his blind minister, who, flushed with success, now called on Bhoja to render an account of his department. Bhoja knew the blind man grudged him his office, and going to the king he in- formed him of all Dharmasingh's schemes, and applied

to him for protection from the minister's tyranny. But Ham- mîra paid no attention to the representations of Bhoja, telling him that as Dharmasingh was entrusted with full powers, and could do whatever he thought proper, it was necessary others should obey his orders. Bhoja, when he saw that the king's mind was turned from him, submitted to his property being confiscated and brought into the king's coffers as ordered by Dharmasingh. As in duty bound, however, he still followed his chief wherever he went. One day the king went to pay his devotions at the temple of Vaijanâth, and seeing Bhoja in his train, scornfully remarked to a courtier who stood by, that the earth was full of vile beings; but the vilest creature on earth was the crow, who, though deprived of his last feather by the angry owl, still clung to his habitation on the old tree. Bhoja understood the intent of the remark, and that it was levelled at him. Deeply mortified, he returned home and communicated his disgrace to his younger brother Pîtama The two brothers now resolved to leave the country, and the next day Bhoja went to Hammîra and humbly prayed to be allowed leave to undertake a pilgrimage to Banâras. The king granted his request, adding that he might go to Banâras or further if he chose,—that there was no danger of the town being deserted on his account. To this insolent speech Bhoja made no reply. He bowed and withdrew, and soon after started for Banâras. The king was delighted at Bhoja Deva's departure and he conferred the Kotwâlship vacated by him on Ratipâla When Bhoja reached Shirśa, he reflected on the sad turn his affairs had taken, and resolved that the wanton insults heaped upon him should not go unavenged. In this mind, with his brother Pîtama, he went to Yoginîpura, and there waited upon 'Alâu'ddîn. The Muhammadan chief was much pleased with Bhoja's arrival at his court. He treated him with dis- tinguished honour, and bestowed upon him the town and

33 territory of Jâgarâ as a jâhîgîr. Henceforth Pîtama lived here, and the other members of Bhoja's family, while he himself stayed at court. 'Alâ'u'd-dîn's object was to learn Ham- mîra's affairs, and he therefore lavished presents and honours on Bhoja, who gradually became entirely devoted to the interests of his new master. Convinced of Bhoja's devotion to his cause, 'Alâu-d-dîn one day asked him, in private, if there were any easy and practicable means of subduing Hammîra. Bhoja answered that it was no easy matter to conquer Hammîra, a king who was the terror of the kings of Kuntala, Madhyadeśa (Central India), Aṅ- gadeśa and the far Kâñchî—a king who was master of the six guṇas and the three śaktis, and who commanded a vast and powerful army—a king whom all other kings feared and obeyed, and who had a most valiant brother in Vîrama, the conqueror of many princes—a king who was served by the fearless Mon- gol chiefs Mahimsâhi and others, who, after defeating his brother, had defied 'Alâu'ddîn himself. Not only had Hammîra able generals, said Bhoja, but they were all attach- ed to him. Seduction was impossible save in one quarter. One man only had his price in the court of Hammîra. What a blast of wind was to a lamp, what the cloud was to the lotuses, what night was to the sun, what the company of women was to an ascetic, what avarice was to all other qualities, that was this one man to Hammîra—the sure cause of disgrace and destruction. The present time, too, said Bhoja, was not ill suited for an expedition against Hammîra. There was a bumper harvest this year in the Chohân country and if 'Alâu'd- dîn could but snatch it from the peasantry before it could be stored away he would induce them, as they already suffered from the blind man's tyranny, to forsake the cause of Hammîra. 'Alâu'ddîn liked Bhoja's idea, and forthwith commanded Ulugh Khân to invade Hammira's country with an army of E

34

100,000 horse. Ulugh Khân’s army now poured over the land like an irresistible torrent,—the chiefs through whose territories it passed bending like reeds before it. The army thus reached Hindavât, when the news of its approach and intention was carried to Hammîra. Thereupon the Hindu king convened a council, and deliberated on the course they had best adopt. It was resolved that Vîrama and the rest of the eight great officers of state should go and do battle with the enemy. Accordingly, the king’s generals divided the army into eight divisions, and fell on the Muhammadans from all the eight points of the compass at once. Vîrama came from the east, and Mahim- âsâhi from the west. From the south advanced Jâjadêva, while Garbharûka advanced from the north. From the south-east came Ratipâla, while Tichar Mongol directed the attack from the north-west. Ranamalla came from the north-east, while Vaichara chose the south west for his direc- tion of attack. The Râjputs set to their work with vigour. Some of them filled the enemy’s entrenchments with earth and rubbish, while others set on fire the wooden fortification raised by the Muhammadans. Others, again, cut the ropes of their tents. The Muhammadans stood to their arms and vauntingly said they would mow down the Râjputs like grass. Both sides fought with desperate courage; but the Muhammadans at last gave way before the repeated attacks of the Râjputs. Many of them, therefore, left the field and fled for their lives. After a time their example was followed by the whole of the Muhammadan army, which fled ignominiously from the battlefield, leaving the Râjputs complete masters of it. When the battle was over, the modest Râjputs went over the field to gather their dead and wounded. In this search they obtained much booty and arms, elephants and horses. Some of the enemy’s women also fell into their hands. Ratipâla forced them to sell buttermilk in every town they passed through.

35 Hammîra was exceedingly delighted at the signal victory over the enemy gained by his generals. He held a grand darbâr in honour of the event. In the darbâr the king invested Ratipâla with a golden chain—comparing him, in his speech, to the war elephant that had richly deserved the golden band. All the other nobles and soldiers were also rewarded according to their deserts, and graciously ordered back to their respective homes. All but the Mongol chiefs left the presence. Hammîra observed this, and kindly asked them the reason of their lagging behind. They answered that they were loth to sheathe their swords and retire to their houses before they had chastised the ungrateful Bhoja, who was enjoying himself in his jahâgîr at Jagarâ. On account of the relation in which he stood to the king, said they, they had up to this time allowed Bhoja to live; but he now no longer deserved this forbearance, as it was at his instigation that the enemy had invaded the Raṇa- thambhôr territory. They therefore asked permission of the king to march on Jagarâ and attack Bhoja. The king granted the request, and at once the Mongols left the palace for Jagarâ. They took the town by storm, and taking Pîtama captive, with many others, brought him back to Raṇatham- bhôr. Ulugh Khân after his discomfiture hastily retired to Dehli and apprised his brother of what had happened. His brother taxed him with cowardice; but Ulugh Khân excused his flight by representing that it was the only course open to him, under the circumstances, which could enable him to have the pleasure of once more seeing his brother in this world, and have another opportunity of fighting with the Chohân. Scarcely had Ulugh Khân done with his excuses, when in came Bhoja, red with anger. He spread the cloth which he had worn as an upper garment on the ground, and began to roll upon it as one

36

possessed with an evil spirit, muttering incoherently all the while. 'Alâu'd-dîn was not a little annoyed at this strange conduct, and inquired the reason of it. Bhoja replied that it would be difficult for him ever to forget the misfortune that had overtaken him that day; for Mahimâsâhi having paid a visit to Jagarâ, had carried it by assault and dragged his brother Pîtama into captivity before Hammîra. Well might people now, said Bhoja, point the finger of scorn at him, and say, Here is the man who has lost his all in the hope of getting more. Helpless and forlorn, he could not now trust himself to lie on the earth, as it all belonged now to Hammîra; and he had therefore spread his garment, on which to roll in grief which had deprived him of the power of standing. Already the fire of anger was kindled in the breast of 'Alâu'd- dîn at the tale of the defeat his brother had sustained, and Bhoja's speech added fuel to the fire. Throwing to the ground, in the vehemence of his feelings, the turban he had on, he said Hammîra's folly was like that of one who thought he could tread upon the lion's mane with impunity, and vowed he would exterminate the whole race of the Chohâns. Then at once he despatched letters to the kings of various countries, calling upon them to join him in a war against Hammîra. The kings of Aṅga, Telaṅga, Magadha, Maisûr, Kaliṅga, Baṅga, Bhot, Medapât, Pañchâl, Bâṅgâl,¹⁷ Thamim, Bhilla, Nepâl, Dâhal, and some Himâlayan chiefs, who also obeyed the summons, brought their respective quotas to swell the invad- ing army. Amongst this miscellaneous host there were some who came on account of the love they bore to the goddess of war, while others were there who had been drawn into the ranks of the invaders by the love of plunder. Others, again, only came to be spectators of the desperate fighting that was expected to

¹⁷ I spell these names as they are in the original.

37 take place. There was such a thronging of elephants, horses, chariots, and men that there was scarcely room for one to thrust a grain of tila amidst the crowd. With this mighty concourse, the two brothers, Nusrat Khân and Ulugh Khân, started for the Raṇathambhôr country. 'Alâ'u'd-dîn with a small retinue stayed behind with the object of inspiring the Râjputs with a dread of the reserves that must have necessarily remained with him, their king. The numbers in the army were so great that they drank up all the water of the rivers on the line of march. It was therefore found necessary not to halt the army longer than a few hours in any one place. By forced marches, the two generals soon reached the borders of the Raṇathambhôr territory—an event which gave rise to conflicting sentiments in the minds of the invaders. Those that had taken no part in the late war said victory was now certain, as it was impossible the Râjputs should be able to withstand such troops as they were. The veterans of the last campaign, however, took a different view of the matter, and asked their more hopeful comrades to remember that they were about to encounter Hammîra's army, and that, therefore, they should reserve their vaunting until the end of the campaign. When the pass was gained which was the scene of Ulugh Khân's discomfiture and disgrace, he advised his brother not to place too much confidence in their power alone, but, as the place was a difficult one, and Hammîra's army both strong and efficient, to try stratagem by sending some one on to the court of Hammîra, there to try to while away some days in negotia- tions about peace, while the army should safely cross the mountains and take up a strategical position. Nusrat Khân yielded to the superior experience of his brother, and Śri Molhaṇa Deva was sent to propose the terms on which the Muhammadans would conclude a peace with Hammîra. Pending negotiations,

38

Hammîra's. people allowed the invading army to cross the dangerous pass unmolested. The Khân now posted his brother on one side of the road known as the Maṇḍi Road, and he him- self occupied the fort of Śrî Maṇḍapa. The forces of the allied princes were stationed all round the tank of Jaitra Sâgara. Neither party was sincere. The Muhammadans thought they had artfully secured an advantageous position from whence to commence their operations; whilst the Râjputs were of opinion that the enemy had so far advanced into the interior that he could not now possibly escape them. The Khân's ambassador at Raṇathambhôr, admitted into the fort by the king's order, from what he saw there, was inspired with a dread of Hammîra's power. However, he attend- ed the darbâr held to receive him, and, after the exchange of the usual courtesies, boldly delivered himself of the message with which he was charged. He said that he was deputed to the king's court as the envoy of Ulugh Khân and Nusrat Khân, the two brothers of the celebrated 'Alâu'd-dîn; that he had come there to impress on the king's mind, if possible, the futility of any resistance that he could offer to so mighty a conqueror as 'Alâu'd-dîn, and to advise him to conclude a peace with his chief. He offered to Hammîra, as the conditions of peace, the choice between paying down to his chief a contribution of one hundred thousand gold mohors, presenting him with four elephants and three hundred horses, and giving his daughter in marriage to 'Alâu'd-dîn; or the giving up to him the four in- subordinate Moṅgol chiefs, who, having excited the displeasure of his master, were now living under the protection of the king. The envoy added that if the king desired the enjoyment of his power and kingdom in peace, he had the opportunity at hand of securing his object by the adoption of either of these conditions, which would equally secure to him the good graces and assistance

39

of 'Alâud dîn, a monarch who had destroyed all his enemies, who possessed numerous strong forts and well furnished arsenals and magazines, who had put to shame Mahâdeva himself by capturing numerous impregnable forts, like Dêvagadha, whereas the fame of the god rests on the successful capture of the fort of Tripura alone. Hammîra, who had listened with impatience to the ambas- sador's speech, was incensed at the insulting message delivered to him, and said to Srî Molhana Deva that if he had not been there in the capacity of an accredited envoy, the tongue with which he uttered those vaunting insults should ere this have been cut out. Not only did Hammîra refuse to entertain either of the conditions submitted by the envoy, but on his part he proposed the acceptance by 'Alâu'd dîn of as many sword cuts as the number of the gold mohurs, elephants, and horses he had the impudence to ask for, and told the envoy he would look upon the refusal of this martial offer by the Muhammadan chief as tantamount to his ('Alâu'd dîn's) feasting on pork. Without any further ceremony, the envoy was driven from the presence. The garrison of Ranathambhôr now prepared for resist- ance. Officers of approved ability and bravery were told off to defend various posts. Tents were pitched here and there on the ramparts to protect the defenders from the rays of the sun. Oil and resin were kept boiling in many places ready to be poured on the bodies of any of the assailants to scald them if they dared come too near, and guns were mounted on suitable places. The Muhammadan army, too, at last appeared before Ranathambhôr. A desperate struggle was carried on for some days. Nusrat Khân was killed by a random shot in one of the engagements,¹³ and, the monsoon having set in, Ulugh Khân was obliged to stop all further operations. He retired to some distance from

¹³ Elliot and Dowson's History vol. III. p. 172.—ED.

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the fort, and sent a despatch to 'Alâ u'd-dîn, informing him of the critical situation he was in. He also sent him in a box Nusrat Khân's body for burial. Upon this intelligence reaching 'Alâ u'd-dîn, he started at once for Raṇa-tham- bhôr. Arrived there, he immediately marched his army to the gates of the fort and invested it. Hammîra, to mark his contempt of these proceedings, had caused to be raised, on many places over the walls, flags of light wickerwork. This was as much as to say that 'Alâu'd-dîn's advent before the fort was not felt to be a burden to, or an aggravation of, the sufferings of the Râjputs. The Muhammadan chief at once saw that he had to deal with men of no ordinary resolution and courage, and he sent a message to Hammîra saying he was greatly pleased with his bravery, and would be glad to grant any request such a gallant enemy might wish to make. Of course this was bidding in some way for peace. Hammîra, however, replied that as 'Alâu'd-dîn was pleased to grant anything he might set his heart upon, nothing would gratify him so much as fighting with him for two days, and this request he hoped, would be complied with. The Muhammadan chief praised very much this demand, saying it did justice to his adversary's courage, and agreed to give him battle the next day. The contest that ensued was furious and desperate in the last degree. During these two days the Muhammadans lost no less than 85,000 men. A truce of some few days being now agreed upon by both the belligerents, fighting ceased for a time. On one of these days the king had Râdhâ Dêvî dancing before him on the wall of the fort, while there was much company round him. This woman, at stated and regular intervals, well understood by those who understand music, purposely turned her back towards 'Alâu'd-dîn, who was sitting below in his tent not far from the fort, and who could well see what was passing on the fort wall. No wonder that he was incensed at this conduct, and

41 indignantly asked those who were about him if there was any among his numerous followers who could, from that distance, kill that woman with one arrow. One of the chiefs present answered that he knew one man only who could do this, and that man was Uddânasingh, whom the king had in cap- tivity. The captive was at once released and brought before Alâu'ddîn, who commanded him to show his skill in archery against the fair target. Uddânasingh did as he was bid, and in an instant the fair form of the courtesan, being struck, fell down headlong from the fort wall. This incident roused the ire of Mahimâsâhi, who requested permission of the king to be allowed to do the same service to 'Alâu'ddîn that he had done to poor Râdhâ Dêvî. The king replied that he well knew the extraordinary skill in archery possessed by his friend, but that he was loth 'Alâu'd-dîn should be so killed, as his death would deprive him of a valiant enemy with whom he could at pleasure hold passages of arms. Mahim âsâhi then dropped the arrow he had adjusted on his bowstring on Uddânasingh, and killed him. This feat of Mahimâsâhi so intimidated 'Alâu'ddîn that he at once removed his camp from the eastern side of the lake to its western side where there was greater protection from such attacks. When the camp was removed, the Rajputs were able to perceive that the enemy, by working underground, had prepared mines, and had attempted to throw over a part of the ditch a temporary bridge of wood and grass carefully covered over with earth. The Râjputs de- stroyed this bridge with their cannon, and, pouring burning oil into the mines, destroyed those that were working underground. In this manner all 'Alâu'ddîn's efforts to take the fort were frustrated. At the same time he was greatly harassed by the rain, which now fell in torrents. He therefore sent a message to Hammîra, asking him kindly to send over to his camp Rati- pâla, as he desired very much to speak with him, with a view F

to an amicable settlement of the differences subsisting between them. The king ordered Ratipâla to go and hear what 'Alâu'd-dîn had to say. Ranamalla was jealous of Ratipâla's influence, and did not at all like that he should have been chosen for this service. 'Alâu'd-dîn received Ratipâla with extraordinary marks of honour. Upon his entering the darbâr tent, the Muhammadan chief rose from his seat, and, embracing him, made him sit on his own gâdi, while he himself sat by his side. He caused valuable presents to be placed before Ratipâla, and also made pro- mises of further rewards. Ratipâla was delighted with such kind treatment. The wily Muhammadan, observing it, ordered the rest of the company to leave them alone. When they had all left, he began to address Ratipâla. "I am," said he, "'Alâu'd-dîn, the king of the Muhammadans, and I have up to this time stormed and carried hundreds of fortresses. But it is impossible for me to carry Ranathambhôr by force of arms. My object in investing this fort is simply to get the fame of its capture. I hope now (as you have condescended to see me) I shall gain my object, and I may trust you for a little help in the fulfilment of my desire. I do not wish for any more kingdoms and forts for myself. When I take this fort, what better can I do than bestow it on a friend like you? My only happiness will be the fame of its capture." With blandishments such as these, Ratipâla was won over, and he gave 'Alâu'd-dîn to under- stand so. Thereupon 'Alâu'd-dîn, to make his game doubly sure, took Ratipâla into his harem, and there left him to eat and drink in private with his youngest sister.¹⁹ This done, Ratipâla left the Muhammadan camp and came back into the fort. ¹⁹ At first sight this statement might seem to be a fancy of the author intended to blacken the character of the victor. But we read that such things were quite possible in the tribe to which the conqueror belonged. A slipper at

43 Ratipâla was thus gained over by 'Alâ'u'd dîn Therefore, when he saw the king, he did not give him a true account of what he had seen in the Muhammadan camp, and of what 'Alâ'u'd dîn had said to him. Instead of representing Alâ ud dîn's power as fairly broken by the repeated and vigorous attacks of the Râjputs, and he himself as willing to retire upon a nominal surrender of the fort, he represented him as not only bent upon exacting the most humiliating marks of submission on the part of the king, but as having it in his power to make good his threats 'Alâ'u'd dîn confessed, said Ratipâla, that the Râjputs had succeeded in killing some of his soldiers, but that mattered little, for no one could look upon the centipede as lame for the loss of a foot or two Under these circumstances he advised Hammîra to call upon Ranamalla in person that night, and persuade him to do his best in repelling the assailants, for Ranamalla, said the traitor Ratipâla, was an uncommon warrior but that he did not, it appeared, use his utmost endeavours in chastising the enemy as he was offended with the king for something or other. The king's visit, alleged Ratipâla, would make matters all right again. After this interview with the king Ratipâla hastened to see Ranamalla, and there, as if to oblige and save from utter destruction an old comrade and associate, informed him that, for some unknown reason, the king's mind was greatly prejudiced against him, and he advised him to go over to the enemy on the first alarm, for he said Hammîra had resolved to make him a prisoner that very night He also told him the hour at which he might expect to be visited by the king for this purpose Having done this, Ratipâla quietly waited to see the issue of the mischief he had so industriously sown the door of his wife's room is a sign well understood by a husband in this tribe, at sight of which he immediately takes care to retire from the house. See Tod vol I p. 56

44 Vîrama, the brother of Hammîra, was with him when Ratipâla paid him the visit, and he expressed his belief to his brother that Ratipâla had not spoken the truth, but had been seduced from his allegiance by the enemy. He said he could smell liquor when Ratipâla was speaking, and a drunken man was not to be believed. Pride of birth, generosity, discernment, shame, loyalty, love of truth and cleanliness, were qualities, said Vîrama, that were not to be expected to be the possessions of those that drink. In order to stop the further progress of sedition among his people, he advised his brother to put Ratipâla to death. But the king objected to this proposal, saying that his fort was strong enough to resist the enemy under any circumstances; and if by any unforeseen accident, it should fall into the hands of the enemy after he had killed Ratipâla, people would moralize on the event, and attribute their fall to their wickedness in putting to death an innocent man. In the meantime, Ratipâla caused a rumour to be spread in the king's Ranawâs that 'Alâu'd-dîn only asked for the hand of the king's daughter, and that he was ready to conclude a peace if his desires in this respect were granted, as he wanted nothing else. Hereupon the king's wives induced his daughter to go to her father and express her willingness to bestow her hand on 'Alâu'd-dîn. The girl went where her father was sitting, and implored him to give her to the Muhammadan, to save himself and his kingdom. She said she was as a piece of worthless glass, whilst her father's life and kingdom were like the chintâmaṇi, or the wish-granting philosopher's stone; and she solicited him to cast her away to retain them. The king's feelings quite overcame him as the innocent girl, with clasped hands, thus spoke to him. He told her she was a mere child, and was not to be blamed for what she had been taught to speak. But he knew not what punishment they de- served who had the imprudence to put such ideas into her innocent

45 head It did not, said he, become a Râjput to mutilate females, else he should have cut out the tongues of those that uttered such blasphemy in his fair daughter's ears "Child," said Hammîra, "you are yet too young to understand these matters, and there is not much use in my explaining them to you But to give you away to the unclean Muhammadan, to enjoy life, is to me as loathsome as prolonging existence by living on my own flesh Such a connection would bring disgrace on the fair name of our house, would destroy all hopes of salvation, and embitter our last days in this world I will rather die ten thousand deaths than live a life of such infamy" He ceased, and ordered his daughter, kindly but firmly, to her chamber The unsuspecting king then prepared to go, in the dusk of the evening, to Ranamalla's quarters, in order to remove his doubts, as advised by Ratipâla The king was but slightly attended When, however, he approached Ranamalla's quarters, the latter remembered what Ratipâla had said to him, and, thinking his imprisonment was inevitable if he stopped there any longer, precipitately left the fort with his party and went over to 'Alâu'd dîn Seeing this, Ratipâla also did the same The king, thus deceived and bewildered, came back to the palace, and sending for the Kothâri (the officer in charge of the royal granaries) inquired of him as to the state of the stores, and how long they would hold out The Kothâri, fearing the loss of his influence, if he were to tell the truth to the king at that time, falsely answered that the stores would suffice to hold out for a considerable time But scarcely had this officer turned his back when it became generally known that there was no more corn in the state granaries Upon the news reaching the king's ears, he ordered Vîrama to put the false Kothâri to death, and to throw all the wealth he possessed into the lake of Padma Sâgar Harassed with the numerous trials of that day, the king in

46

utter exhaustion threw himself on his bed. But his eyes were strangers to sleep that dreadful night. It was too much for him to bear the sight of those whom he had treated with more than a brother's affection, one by one, abjure themselves and leave him alone to his fate. When the morning came, he performed his devotions, and came and sat in the darbâr hall, sadly musing on the critical situation. He thought that, as his own Râjputs had left him, no faith could be placed in M a h i m a ś â h i, at once a Muhammadan and an alien. While in this mood, he sent for M a h i m a ś â h i, and said to him that, as a true Râjput, it was his duty to die in the defence of his kingdom; but he was of opinion it was improper that people who were not of his race should also lose their lives for him in this struggle, and therefore now it was his wish that M a h i m a ś â h i should name to him some place of safety where he could retire with his family, and thither he would see him escorted safely. Struck by the king's generosity, M a h i m a ś â h i, without giving any reply, went back to his house, and there put to the sword all the inmates of his zanâna, and returning to H a m m î r a said that his wife and children were ready to start off, but that the former insisted on once more looking upon the face of the king, to whose favour and kindness the family had owed so long their protection and happiness. The king acceded to this request, and, accompanied by his brother V î r a m a, went to M a h i m a- ś â h i's house. But what was his sorrow and surprise when he saw the slaughter in the house! The king embraced M a h i m a- ś â h i and began to weep like a child. He blamed himself for having asked him to go away, and knew not how to repay such extraordinary devotion. Slowly, therefore, he came back to the palace, and, giving up everything for lost, told his people that they were free to act as they should think proper. As for himself, he was prepared to die charging the enemy. In preparation for this, the females of his family, headed by R a ṅ g a D ê v î, perished