हम्मीर महाकाव्यम् (रणथम्भौर चौहान वीरगाथा एवं इतिहास)

34

100,000 horse. Ulugh Khân’s army now poured over the land like an irresistible torrent,—the chiefs through whose territories it passed bending like reeds before it. The army thus reached Hindavât, when the news of its approach and intention was carried to Hammîra. Thereupon the Hindu king convened a council, and deliberated on the course they had best adopt. It was resolved that Vîrama and the rest of the eight great officers of state should go and do battle with the enemy. Accordingly, the king’s generals divided the army into eight divisions, and fell on the Muhammadans from all the eight points of the compass at once. Vîrama came from the east, and Mahim- âsâhi from the west. From the south advanced Jâjadêva, while Garbharûka advanced from the north. From the south-east came Ratipâla, while Tichar Mongol directed the attack from the north-west. Ranamalla came from the north-east, while Vaichara chose the south west for his direc- tion of attack. The Râjputs set to their work with vigour. Some of them filled the enemy’s entrenchments with earth and rubbish, while others set on fire the wooden fortification raised by the Muhammadans. Others, again, cut the ropes of their tents. The Muhammadans stood to their arms and vauntingly said they would mow down the Râjputs like grass. Both sides fought with desperate courage; but the Muhammadans at last gave way before the repeated attacks of the Râjputs. Many of them, therefore, left the field and fled for their lives. After a time their example was followed by the whole of the Muhammadan army, which fled ignominiously from the battlefield, leaving the Râjputs complete masters of it. When the battle was over, the modest Râjputs went over the field to gather their dead and wounded. In this search they obtained much booty and arms, elephants and horses. Some of the enemy’s women also fell into their hands. Ratipâla forced them to sell buttermilk in every town they passed through.

35 Hammîra was exceedingly delighted at the signal victory over the enemy gained by his generals. He held a grand darbâr in honour of the event. In the darbâr the king invested Ratipâla with a golden chain—comparing him, in his speech, to the war elephant that had richly deserved the golden band. All the other nobles and soldiers were also rewarded according to their deserts, and graciously ordered back to their respective homes. All but the Mongol chiefs left the presence. Hammîra observed this, and kindly asked them the reason of their lagging behind. They answered that they were loth to sheathe their swords and retire to their houses before they had chastised the ungrateful Bhoja, who was enjoying himself in his jahâgîr at Jagarâ. On account of the relation in which he stood to the king, said they, they had up to this time allowed Bhoja to live; but he now no longer deserved this forbearance, as it was at his instigation that the enemy had invaded the Raṇa- thambhôr territory. They therefore asked permission of the king to march on Jagarâ and attack Bhoja. The king granted the request, and at once the Mongols left the palace for Jagarâ. They took the town by storm, and taking Pîtama captive, with many others, brought him back to Raṇatham- bhôr. Ulugh Khân after his discomfiture hastily retired to Dehli and apprised his brother of what had happened. His brother taxed him with cowardice; but Ulugh Khân excused his flight by representing that it was the only course open to him, under the circumstances, which could enable him to have the pleasure of once more seeing his brother in this world, and have another opportunity of fighting with the Chohân. Scarcely had Ulugh Khân done with his excuses, when in came Bhoja, red with anger. He spread the cloth which he had worn as an upper garment on the ground, and began to roll upon it as one

36

possessed with an evil spirit, muttering incoherently all the while. 'Alâu'd-dîn was not a little annoyed at this strange conduct, and inquired the reason of it. Bhoja replied that it would be difficult for him ever to forget the misfortune that had overtaken him that day; for Mahimâsâhi having paid a visit to Jagarâ, had carried it by assault and dragged his brother Pîtama into captivity before Hammîra. Well might people now, said Bhoja, point the finger of scorn at him, and say, Here is the man who has lost his all in the hope of getting more. Helpless and forlorn, he could not now trust himself to lie on the earth, as it all belonged now to Hammîra; and he had therefore spread his garment, on which to roll in grief which had deprived him of the power of standing. Already the fire of anger was kindled in the breast of 'Alâu'd- dîn at the tale of the defeat his brother had sustained, and Bhoja's speech added fuel to the fire. Throwing to the ground, in the vehemence of his feelings, the turban he had on, he said Hammîra's folly was like that of one who thought he could tread upon the lion's mane with impunity, and vowed he would exterminate the whole race of the Chohâns. Then at once he despatched letters to the kings of various countries, calling upon them to join him in a war against Hammîra. The kings of Aṅga, Telaṅga, Magadha, Maisûr, Kaliṅga, Baṅga, Bhot, Medapât, Pañchâl, Bâṅgâl,¹⁷ Thamim, Bhilla, Nepâl, Dâhal, and some Himâlayan chiefs, who also obeyed the summons, brought their respective quotas to swell the invad- ing army. Amongst this miscellaneous host there were some who came on account of the love they bore to the goddess of war, while others were there who had been drawn into the ranks of the invaders by the love of plunder. Others, again, only came to be spectators of the desperate fighting that was expected to

¹⁷ I spell these names as they are in the original.

37 take place. There was such a thronging of elephants, horses, chariots, and men that there was scarcely room for one to thrust a grain of tila amidst the crowd. With this mighty concourse, the two brothers, Nusrat Khân and Ulugh Khân, started for the Raṇathambhôr country. 'Alâ'u'd-dîn with a small retinue stayed behind with the object of inspiring the Râjputs with a dread of the reserves that must have necessarily remained with him, their king. The numbers in the army were so great that they drank up all the water of the rivers on the line of march. It was therefore found necessary not to halt the army longer than a few hours in any one place. By forced marches, the two generals soon reached the borders of the Raṇathambhôr territory—an event which gave rise to conflicting sentiments in the minds of the invaders. Those that had taken no part in the late war said victory was now certain, as it was impossible the Râjputs should be able to withstand such troops as they were. The veterans of the last campaign, however, took a different view of the matter, and asked their more hopeful comrades to remember that they were about to encounter Hammîra's army, and that, therefore, they should reserve their vaunting until the end of the campaign. When the pass was gained which was the scene of Ulugh Khân's discomfiture and disgrace, he advised his brother not to place too much confidence in their power alone, but, as the place was a difficult one, and Hammîra's army both strong and efficient, to try stratagem by sending some one on to the court of Hammîra, there to try to while away some days in negotia- tions about peace, while the army should safely cross the mountains and take up a strategical position. Nusrat Khân yielded to the superior experience of his brother, and Śri Molhaṇa Deva was sent to propose the terms on which the Muhammadans would conclude a peace with Hammîra. Pending negotiations,

38

Hammîra's. people allowed the invading army to cross the dangerous pass unmolested. The Khân now posted his brother on one side of the road known as the Maṇḍi Road, and he him- self occupied the fort of Śrî Maṇḍapa. The forces of the allied princes were stationed all round the tank of Jaitra Sâgara. Neither party was sincere. The Muhammadans thought they had artfully secured an advantageous position from whence to commence their operations; whilst the Râjputs were of opinion that the enemy had so far advanced into the interior that he could not now possibly escape them. The Khân's ambassador at Raṇathambhôr, admitted into the fort by the king's order, from what he saw there, was inspired with a dread of Hammîra's power. However, he attend- ed the darbâr held to receive him, and, after the exchange of the usual courtesies, boldly delivered himself of the message with which he was charged. He said that he was deputed to the king's court as the envoy of Ulugh Khân and Nusrat Khân, the two brothers of the celebrated 'Alâu'd-dîn; that he had come there to impress on the king's mind, if possible, the futility of any resistance that he could offer to so mighty a conqueror as 'Alâu'd-dîn, and to advise him to conclude a peace with his chief. He offered to Hammîra, as the conditions of peace, the choice between paying down to his chief a contribution of one hundred thousand gold mohors, presenting him with four elephants and three hundred horses, and giving his daughter in marriage to 'Alâu'd-dîn; or the giving up to him the four in- subordinate Moṅgol chiefs, who, having excited the displeasure of his master, were now living under the protection of the king. The envoy added that if the king desired the enjoyment of his power and kingdom in peace, he had the opportunity at hand of securing his object by the adoption of either of these conditions, which would equally secure to him the good graces and assistance

39

of 'Alâud dîn, a monarch who had destroyed all his enemies, who possessed numerous strong forts and well furnished arsenals and magazines, who had put to shame Mahâdeva himself by capturing numerous impregnable forts, like Dêvagadha, whereas the fame of the god rests on the successful capture of the fort of Tripura alone. Hammîra, who had listened with impatience to the ambas- sador's speech, was incensed at the insulting message delivered to him, and said to Srî Molhana Deva that if he had not been there in the capacity of an accredited envoy, the tongue with which he uttered those vaunting insults should ere this have been cut out. Not only did Hammîra refuse to entertain either of the conditions submitted by the envoy, but on his part he proposed the acceptance by 'Alâu'd dîn of as many sword cuts as the number of the gold mohurs, elephants, and horses he had the impudence to ask for, and told the envoy he would look upon the refusal of this martial offer by the Muhammadan chief as tantamount to his ('Alâu'd dîn's) feasting on pork. Without any further ceremony, the envoy was driven from the presence. The garrison of Ranathambhôr now prepared for resist- ance. Officers of approved ability and bravery were told off to defend various posts. Tents were pitched here and there on the ramparts to protect the defenders from the rays of the sun. Oil and resin were kept boiling in many places ready to be poured on the bodies of any of the assailants to scald them if they dared come too near, and guns were mounted on suitable places. The Muhammadan army, too, at last appeared before Ranathambhôr. A desperate struggle was carried on for some days. Nusrat Khân was killed by a random shot in one of the engagements,¹³ and, the monsoon having set in, Ulugh Khân was obliged to stop all further operations. He retired to some distance from

¹³ Elliot and Dowson's History vol. III. p. 172.—ED.

40

the fort, and sent a despatch to 'Alâ u'd-dîn, informing him of the critical situation he was in. He also sent him in a box Nusrat Khân's body for burial. Upon this intelligence reaching 'Alâ u'd-dîn, he started at once for Raṇa-tham- bhôr. Arrived there, he immediately marched his army to the gates of the fort and invested it. Hammîra, to mark his contempt of these proceedings, had caused to be raised, on many places over the walls, flags of light wickerwork. This was as much as to say that 'Alâu'd-dîn's advent before the fort was not felt to be a burden to, or an aggravation of, the sufferings of the Râjputs. The Muhammadan chief at once saw that he had to deal with men of no ordinary resolution and courage, and he sent a message to Hammîra saying he was greatly pleased with his bravery, and would be glad to grant any request such a gallant enemy might wish to make. Of course this was bidding in some way for peace. Hammîra, however, replied that as 'Alâu'd-dîn was pleased to grant anything he might set his heart upon, nothing would gratify him so much as fighting with him for two days, and this request he hoped, would be complied with. The Muhammadan chief praised very much this demand, saying it did justice to his adversary's courage, and agreed to give him battle the next day. The contest that ensued was furious and desperate in the last degree. During these two days the Muhammadans lost no less than 85,000 men. A truce of some few days being now agreed upon by both the belligerents, fighting ceased for a time. On one of these days the king had Râdhâ Dêvî dancing before him on the wall of the fort, while there was much company round him. This woman, at stated and regular intervals, well understood by those who understand music, purposely turned her back towards 'Alâu'd-dîn, who was sitting below in his tent not far from the fort, and who could well see what was passing on the fort wall. No wonder that he was incensed at this conduct, and

41 indignantly asked those who were about him if there was any among his numerous followers who could, from that distance, kill that woman with one arrow. One of the chiefs present answered that he knew one man only who could do this, and that man was Uddânasingh, whom the king had in cap- tivity. The captive was at once released and brought before Alâu'ddîn, who commanded him to show his skill in archery against the fair target. Uddânasingh did as he was bid, and in an instant the fair form of the courtesan, being struck, fell down headlong from the fort wall. This incident roused the ire of Mahimâsâhi, who requested permission of the king to be allowed to do the same service to 'Alâu'ddîn that he had done to poor Râdhâ Dêvî. The king replied that he well knew the extraordinary skill in archery possessed by his friend, but that he was loth 'Alâu'd-dîn should be so killed, as his death would deprive him of a valiant enemy with whom he could at pleasure hold passages of arms. Mahim âsâhi then dropped the arrow he had adjusted on his bowstring on Uddânasingh, and killed him. This feat of Mahimâsâhi so intimidated 'Alâu'ddîn that he at once removed his camp from the eastern side of the lake to its western side where there was greater protection from such attacks. When the camp was removed, the Rajputs were able to perceive that the enemy, by working underground, had prepared mines, and had attempted to throw over a part of the ditch a temporary bridge of wood and grass carefully covered over with earth. The Râjputs de- stroyed this bridge with their cannon, and, pouring burning oil into the mines, destroyed those that were working underground. In this manner all 'Alâu'ddîn's efforts to take the fort were frustrated. At the same time he was greatly harassed by the rain, which now fell in torrents. He therefore sent a message to Hammîra, asking him kindly to send over to his camp Rati- pâla, as he desired very much to speak with him, with a view F

to an amicable settlement of the differences subsisting between them. The king ordered Ratipâla to go and hear what 'Alâu'd-dîn had to say. Ranamalla was jealous of Ratipâla's influence, and did not at all like that he should have been chosen for this service. 'Alâu'd-dîn received Ratipâla with extraordinary marks of honour. Upon his entering the darbâr tent, the Muhammadan chief rose from his seat, and, embracing him, made him sit on his own gâdi, while he himself sat by his side. He caused valuable presents to be placed before Ratipâla, and also made pro- mises of further rewards. Ratipâla was delighted with such kind treatment. The wily Muhammadan, observing it, ordered the rest of the company to leave them alone. When they had all left, he began to address Ratipâla. "I am," said he, "'Alâu'd-dîn, the king of the Muhammadans, and I have up to this time stormed and carried hundreds of fortresses. But it is impossible for me to carry Ranathambhôr by force of arms. My object in investing this fort is simply to get the fame of its capture. I hope now (as you have condescended to see me) I shall gain my object, and I may trust you for a little help in the fulfilment of my desire. I do not wish for any more kingdoms and forts for myself. When I take this fort, what better can I do than bestow it on a friend like you? My only happiness will be the fame of its capture." With blandishments such as these, Ratipâla was won over, and he gave 'Alâu'd-dîn to under- stand so. Thereupon 'Alâu'd-dîn, to make his game doubly sure, took Ratipâla into his harem, and there left him to eat and drink in private with his youngest sister.¹⁹ This done, Ratipâla left the Muhammadan camp and came back into the fort. ¹⁹ At first sight this statement might seem to be a fancy of the author intended to blacken the character of the victor. But we read that such things were quite possible in the tribe to which the conqueror belonged. A slipper at

43 Ratipâla was thus gained over by 'Alâ'u'd dîn Therefore, when he saw the king, he did not give him a true account of what he had seen in the Muhammadan camp, and of what 'Alâ'u'd dîn had said to him. Instead of representing Alâ ud dîn's power as fairly broken by the repeated and vigorous attacks of the Râjputs, and he himself as willing to retire upon a nominal surrender of the fort, he represented him as not only bent upon exacting the most humiliating marks of submission on the part of the king, but as having it in his power to make good his threats 'Alâ'u'd dîn confessed, said Ratipâla, that the Râjputs had succeeded in killing some of his soldiers, but that mattered little, for no one could look upon the centipede as lame for the loss of a foot or two Under these circumstances he advised Hammîra to call upon Ranamalla in person that night, and persuade him to do his best in repelling the assailants, for Ranamalla, said the traitor Ratipâla, was an uncommon warrior but that he did not, it appeared, use his utmost endeavours in chastising the enemy as he was offended with the king for something or other. The king's visit, alleged Ratipâla, would make matters all right again. After this interview with the king Ratipâla hastened to see Ranamalla, and there, as if to oblige and save from utter destruction an old comrade and associate, informed him that, for some unknown reason, the king's mind was greatly prejudiced against him, and he advised him to go over to the enemy on the first alarm, for he said Hammîra had resolved to make him a prisoner that very night He also told him the hour at which he might expect to be visited by the king for this purpose Having done this, Ratipâla quietly waited to see the issue of the mischief he had so industriously sown the door of his wife's room is a sign well understood by a husband in this tribe, at sight of which he immediately takes care to retire from the house. See Tod vol I p. 56

44 Vîrama, the brother of Hammîra, was with him when Ratipâla paid him the visit, and he expressed his belief to his brother that Ratipâla had not spoken the truth, but had been seduced from his allegiance by the enemy. He said he could smell liquor when Ratipâla was speaking, and a drunken man was not to be believed. Pride of birth, generosity, discernment, shame, loyalty, love of truth and cleanliness, were qualities, said Vîrama, that were not to be expected to be the possessions of those that drink. In order to stop the further progress of sedition among his people, he advised his brother to put Ratipâla to death. But the king objected to this proposal, saying that his fort was strong enough to resist the enemy under any circumstances; and if by any unforeseen accident, it should fall into the hands of the enemy after he had killed Ratipâla, people would moralize on the event, and attribute their fall to their wickedness in putting to death an innocent man. In the meantime, Ratipâla caused a rumour to be spread in the king's Ranawâs that 'Alâu'd-dîn only asked for the hand of the king's daughter, and that he was ready to conclude a peace if his desires in this respect were granted, as he wanted nothing else. Hereupon the king's wives induced his daughter to go to her father and express her willingness to bestow her hand on 'Alâu'd-dîn. The girl went where her father was sitting, and implored him to give her to the Muhammadan, to save himself and his kingdom. She said she was as a piece of worthless glass, whilst her father's life and kingdom were like the chintâmaṇi, or the wish-granting philosopher's stone; and she solicited him to cast her away to retain them. The king's feelings quite overcame him as the innocent girl, with clasped hands, thus spoke to him. He told her she was a mere child, and was not to be blamed for what she had been taught to speak. But he knew not what punishment they de- served who had the imprudence to put such ideas into her innocent

45 head It did not, said he, become a Râjput to mutilate females, else he should have cut out the tongues of those that uttered such blasphemy in his fair daughter's ears "Child," said Hammîra, "you are yet too young to understand these matters, and there is not much use in my explaining them to you But to give you away to the unclean Muhammadan, to enjoy life, is to me as loathsome as prolonging existence by living on my own flesh Such a connection would bring disgrace on the fair name of our house, would destroy all hopes of salvation, and embitter our last days in this world I will rather die ten thousand deaths than live a life of such infamy" He ceased, and ordered his daughter, kindly but firmly, to her chamber The unsuspecting king then prepared to go, in the dusk of the evening, to Ranamalla's quarters, in order to remove his doubts, as advised by Ratipâla The king was but slightly attended When, however, he approached Ranamalla's quarters, the latter remembered what Ratipâla had said to him, and, thinking his imprisonment was inevitable if he stopped there any longer, precipitately left the fort with his party and went over to 'Alâu'd dîn Seeing this, Ratipâla also did the same The king, thus deceived and bewildered, came back to the palace, and sending for the Kothâri (the officer in charge of the royal granaries) inquired of him as to the state of the stores, and how long they would hold out The Kothâri, fearing the loss of his influence, if he were to tell the truth to the king at that time, falsely answered that the stores would suffice to hold out for a considerable time But scarcely had this officer turned his back when it became generally known that there was no more corn in the state granaries Upon the news reaching the king's ears, he ordered Vîrama to put the false Kothâri to death, and to throw all the wealth he possessed into the lake of Padma Sâgar Harassed with the numerous trials of that day, the king in

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utter exhaustion threw himself on his bed. But his eyes were strangers to sleep that dreadful night. It was too much for him to bear the sight of those whom he had treated with more than a brother's affection, one by one, abjure themselves and leave him alone to his fate. When the morning came, he performed his devotions, and came and sat in the darbâr hall, sadly musing on the critical situation. He thought that, as his own Râjputs had left him, no faith could be placed in M a h i m a ś â h i, at once a Muhammadan and an alien. While in this mood, he sent for M a h i m a ś â h i, and said to him that, as a true Râjput, it was his duty to die in the defence of his kingdom; but he was of opinion it was improper that people who were not of his race should also lose their lives for him in this struggle, and therefore now it was his wish that M a h i m a ś â h i should name to him some place of safety where he could retire with his family, and thither he would see him escorted safely. Struck by the king's generosity, M a h i m a ś â h i, without giving any reply, went back to his house, and there put to the sword all the inmates of his zanâna, and returning to H a m m î r a said that his wife and children were ready to start off, but that the former insisted on once more looking upon the face of the king, to whose favour and kindness the family had owed so long their protection and happiness. The king acceded to this request, and, accompanied by his brother V î r a m a, went to M a h i m a- ś â h i's house. But what was his sorrow and surprise when he saw the slaughter in the house! The king embraced M a h i m a- ś â h i and began to weep like a child. He blamed himself for having asked him to go away, and knew not how to repay such extraordinary devotion. Slowly, therefore, he came back to the palace, and, giving up everything for lost, told his people that they were free to act as they should think proper. As for himself, he was prepared to die charging the enemy. In preparation for this, the females of his family, headed by R a ṅ g a D ê v î, perished

47 on the funeral pile When the king s daughter prepared to ascend the pile, her father was overcome with grief He embraced her and refused to separate She, however, extricated herself from the paternal embrace, and passed through the fiery ordeal When there remained nothing but a heap of ashes, the sole remains of the fair and faithful Chohanis, Hammira performed the funeral ceremonies for the dead, and cooled their manes with a last ovation of the tilánjali He then, with the remains of his faithful army, sallied out of the fort and fell upon the enemy A deadly hand to hand struggle ensued Virama fell first in the thickest of the battle, then Mahimasîhi was shot through the heart Jâja, Gangâdhar Tâk and Kshetrasingh Paramara followed them Lastly fell the mighty Ham mira, pierced with a hundred shafts Disdaining to fall with anything like life into the enemy s hands, he severed, with one last effort, his head from his body with his own hands, and so terminated his existence Thus fell Hammira, the last of the Chohâns! This sad event happened in the 18th year of his reign, in the month of Srâvana ³⁰

³⁰ The Târîkh i 'Alâî of Amîr Khusrû gives the date as 3rd Zî l ha da A H 70 (July 1301 A D ), the siege began in Rajab four months previously —Elliot and Dowson s History vol III pp 75 179 549

इस पृष्ठ पर कोई पाठ (टेक्स्ट) उपलब्ध नहीं है (पृष्ठ रिक्त है)।

श्रीहम्मीरमहाकाव्यम् प्रथमः सर्गः सदाचिदानंदमहोदयैक-हेतुं परं ज्योतिरुपास्महे तत् । यस्मिन् शिवश्रीः सरसीव हंसी विशुद्धिकृद्धारिणि रंरमीति ॥ १ ॥ तज्ज्ञानविज्ञानकृतावधानाः संतः परब्रह्ममयं यमाहुः । पराश्रयः कृतभवावसानः स नाभिभूर्वस्त्वरतां शिवाय ॥ २ ॥ यशोदयास्फीतशुभप्रवृत्तिर्गोपालमालाचितपादपद्मः । श्रीवत्सलक्ष्मा पुरुषोत्तमः श्री-पार्श्वः श्रियं वस्त्रनुतादतन्वीं ॥ ३ ॥ उच्चैर्वृषो दर्पकदर्पहारी शिवानुयातो विलसद्विभूतिः । शुभ्रस्थितिर्निर्दलितांधकारः श्रीशांकरो वीरविभुर्विभूतये ॥ ४ ॥ सचक्रहत्प्रीतिकरैः प्रभावि-प्रभाविशेषैः सुभगंभविष्णुः । सम्यक्प्रबोधप्रथनप्रभूष्णु र्भास्वान् सशांतिः शमयत्वघानि ॥ ५ ॥ महेशचूडामणिचुंबिपादो ऽभ्रांतस्थितिः स्फीतशुभप्रचारः । महामहाध्वस्ततमसमूहः समुद्रजन्मा शशभृच्छ्रिये स्तात् ॥ ६ ॥ लसत्कविस्तोमकृतोरुभक्ति र्नालीकसंपत्सुभगंभविष्णुः । स्वदर्शनेन त्रिजगत्पुनाना सरस्वती नो नयतात्प्रसत्तिं ॥ ७ ॥ माधांतृसीतापतिर्कर्कमुख्याः क्षितौ क्षितींद्राः कतिनाम नासन् । तेषु स्तवार्हः परमेष सत्व-गुणेन हम्मीर महीभृदेकः ॥ ८ ॥ सत्त्वैकवृत्तेः किल यस्य राज्य-श्रियो विलासा अपि जीवितं च । शकाय पुत्रीं शरणागतांश्च प्रयच्छतः किं तृणमप्यभूवन् ॥ ९ ॥ 1 A.

२ श्रीहम्मीरमहाकाव्ये [सर्गः अतोस्य किंचिच्चरितं प्रवक्तु मिच्छामि राजन्यपुपूषयाहं । तदीययत्तद्गुणगौरवेण विगाह्य नुन्नः किल कर्णजाहं ॥ १० ॥ क्वैतस्य राज्ञः सुमहच्चरित्रं कैषा पुनर्मे धिषणाऽणुरूपा । ततोतिमोहोद्धतयैकयैव मुग्धस्तितीर्षामि महासमुद्रं ॥ ११ ॥ गुरुप्रसादाद्यदि वास्मि शक्त स्तदीयवृत्तस्तवनं विधातुं । सुधाकरोत्सगसरंगयोगान्मृगो न खे खेलति किं सखेलं ॥ १२ ॥ श्रीचाहमानान्वयमौलिमौलि र्बभूव हम्मीरनराधिपस्सत् । ऐतह्यतो वच्मि पुरा तदीया मुत्पत्तिमुत्पादितहर्षहेलां ॥ १३ ॥ यज्ञाय पुण्यं कचन प्रदेशं द्रष्टुं विधातु र्भ्रमतः किलादौ । प्रपेतिवत् पुष्करमाशुपाणि-पद्मात्पराभूतमिवांस्य भासा ॥ १४ ॥ · ततः शुभं स्थानमिदं विभाव्य प्रारब्धयज्ञो यमपास्तदैन्यः । विशंक्य भीतिं दनुजव्रजेभ्यः स्मेरस्य सस्मार सहस्ररश्मेः ॥ १५ ॥ अवातरन्मंडलतोथभासां पत्युः पुमानुद्यतमंडलाग्रः । तं चाभिषिच्याश्वदसीय रक्षा-विधौ व्यधादेष मखं सुखेन ॥ १६ ॥ पपात यत् पुष्करमत्रपाणेः ख्यातं ततः पुष्करतीर्थमेतत् । यच्चायमागादथ चाहमानः पुमानतो ऽख्यायि स चाहमानः ॥ १७ । ततश्चतुर्वक्त्रभवात्प्रसादात् साम्राज्यमासाद्य स चाहमानः। चक्रेऽर्कवद्भूत आशुपादा-क्रांतान् गुरून्प्ययमस्य वत्ता ॥ १८ ॥

• स्वदानजन्मोरुयशोर्जितश्री-विलोपि दानं समवेक्ष्य यस्य । बलिः स पातालविलं सिषेवे त्रपातुराणामपरा गतिः का ? ॥ १९ ॥
• त्वं पाप रे कामयसे मदीयां कीर्तिं शशी येन रुषेति रुद्धः । बिंबं रवेर्दिव्यमिव प्रदातुं प्रविश्य निर्गच्छति मासि मासि ॥ २० ॥
• प्रतापवह्नि र्ज्वलितो यदीय स्तथा द्विषां कीर्तिवनान्यधाक्षीत् । तदुत्थधूमाश्रयतौ जहाति वियद्यथा ऽद्यापि न कालिमानं ॥ २१ ॥ निशम्य सुप्रीतमना यदीयां कीर्तिं विचित्रोरुचरित्ररम्यां । महीतलध्वंसभिया शिरः स्व मकंपयंस्तापमवाप शेषः ॥ २२ ॥

१ ] पूर्वजवर्णनम् ३ जयश्रिया प्राप्तमहावियोगान्संमूर्च्छयन् वैरिगणान्निकांमं । यो युध्यवाची पवनायितोपि चित्रं द्विजिह्वान् सुखीचकार ॥ २३ ॥ प्रस्पर्धते मद्यशसा ऽस्य सूनुः शशीयमर्पात् किल यौम्बुराशेः । गांभीर्यलक्ष्मीं हरतिस्म किन्न सुतापराधे जनकस्य दंडः ? ॥ २४ ॥* तदा ऽख्यया जायत चाहमान-वंश स्त्रिलोकीविहितप्रशंसः । शश्वत् सुपर्वावलिसेव्यमान उत्पत्तिहेतु र्नरमौक्तिकानां ॥ २५ ॥ तस्मिन् स्फुरद्विक्रमचक्रवाला वंशे बभूवु र्बहवो नृपालाः । त्रिवर्गसंसर्गपवित्रचित्र-चरित्रविन्नासितपापभाराः ॥ २६ ॥ पराक्रमाक्रांतजगत्क्रमेणा भवन्नृपो दीक्षितवासुदेवः । शकासुरान् जेतु मिहावतीर्णः स्वयं धरायामिव वासुदेवः ॥ २७ ॥ सपत्नसंघातशिरोधिसंधि-च्छेदादसिं कुंठतरं निजे यः । प्रतापवह्लावभिताप्य काम मपाययत्तद्रमणीदृगंबु ॥ २८ ॥ छिन्नद्विषन्मंडलमौलिमूला-सृक्पूरदिग्धासिलताछलेन । रणाजिरे यस्य करे विरेजे व्यक्त्तानुरागेव भृशं जयश्रीः ॥ २९ ॥ प्रवाद्यमाने रणवाद्यवृंदे संपश्यमानेषु दिवः सुरेषु । शौर्यश्रियं यो रणरंगभूमा वनर्त्तयद्देलदसिच्छलेन ॥ ३० ॥ भास्वान् जितो यन्महसा ददाति झंपां किमद्यापि न वारिराशौ । उन्मज्जति व्याकुलितो ऽन्वहं द्य सुदुस्त्यजं हा ! हतजीवितव्यं ॥ ३१ ॥ तदंगजन्मा ऽजनि नाभिजन्मा-र्हणाचणः श्रीनरदेवभूपः । तनूदरीलोचनलोभनीय-तनुश्रिया र्जितकामरूपः ॥ ३२ ॥ * अशात्रवं विश्वमिदं विधातुं क्रुद्धे परिक्राम्यति यत्र भूपे ।

• राज्यश्रियं पातुमरातयः स्व-कोशादसून्यांचकृषुर्न खङ्गान् ॥ ३३ ॥ संख्येपु पूर्वाचलचूडशोभां बाहुर्यदीयः कलयांबभूव । म्लानिं नयन्वैरिमुखांबुजानि रराज यस्मिन् नवचंद्रहासः ॥ ३४ ॥ प्रतापवह्नि र्ज्वलितो यदीयः स्थाने यदन्यायवनान्यधाक्षीत् । जगज्जनाश्चर्यकरं तदैतत् यद्वैरिणां कंपभरं ततान ॥ ३५ ॥

[Page Header] ४ श्रीहम्मीरमहाकाव्ये [सर्गः

नखावलीनां कपटेन पुत्र-पौत्रान्वितोप्येष पतिर्द्विजानां । जितोहमैतत् यशसेत्युपेत्य लग्नो यदीये पदपद्मयुग्मे ॥ ३६ ॥ श्रीचंद्रराजेन नयैकधाम्ना ततो धरित्री बिभ्रांबभूवे । वक्त्रेण कीर्त्या च निशाकरं द्वि र्जयन् स्वनामाऽतत यो यथार्थं ॥ ३७ ॥ यस्य प्रतापज्वलनस्य किंचि दपूर्वमेवाजनि वस्तुरूपं । प्रज्वल शत्रौ सरसे प्रकामं यन्नीरसेऽस्मिन् प्रशशाम सद्यः ॥ ३८ ॥ चापस्य यः स्वस्य चकार जीवा-कृष्टं रणे क्षेप्तुमनाः शरौघान् । जवेन शत्रून् यमराजवेश्म ऽनैषीत्तदेतन्महदेव चित्रं ॥ ३९ ॥ यस्य क्षितीशस्य च यन्महासे रन्त्योन्यमासीत्सुमहान् विरोधः । एको विरागः समभूत्परेषां दारेषु चान्यो यदभूत्सरागः ॥ ४० ॥ तस्मादशोभिष्ट महिष्ठधामा महीमहेंद्रो जयपालनामा । यः सिद्धविद्यो जगति प्रसिद्धिं जगाम चक्रीतिजितारिचक्रः ॥ ४१ ॥ भिन्नद्विषत्कुंभिघटाकटाह-कुंभोच्छलच्छोणितशोणशोचिः । यस्याहवे खङ्गलता प्रतापा-शुशुक्षणे रर्चिरिवोल्ललास ॥ ४२ ॥ अनेकधाष्टापदसारदान-दक्षो वशीभूततराक्षचारः । यो द्यूतकृच्चतुरंगयुद्ध-क्रीडास्वजेयः समभूत्परेषां ॥ ४३ ॥ विदारितारातिकांरिद्रकुंभ-विलग्नमुक्ताफलकैतवेन । करे यदीये करवालवल्ली जयश्रियो हारलतेव रेजे ॥ ४४ ॥ यत्कीर्त्तिपूरैरभितः परीते विश्वत्रये सूरिभिरित्यतार्कि । तप्तं प्रतापै र्ध्रुवमेतदीये र्विलिप्तमेतन्नवचंदनेन ॥ ४५ ॥ यदीयकीर्त्यापहतां समंतात् निजां श्रियं स्वर्गधुनी विभाव्य । पतत्प्रवाहध्वनिकैतवेन कामं किमद्यापि न फूत्करोति ॥ ४६ ॥ रणे कणेहत्य निपीय रक्त-मधून्यरीणां वदनांबुजेषु । शिलीमुखा यस्य समंततोपि क्षीबा इव क्षोणितलं स्म यांति ॥ ४७ ॥ यस्य प्रसर्पद्विष्मायुधस्य प्रत्यर्थिनां संगरसँगतानां । स्वेदः प्रकंपो बलहानिरुच्चै रभूद्वधूनामिव वल्लभस्य ॥ ४८ ॥

१] पूर्वजवर्णनम्

• स्फुरद्धृतिः प्राप्तलसत्प्रतिष्ठो विशुद्धवर्णः स्पृहणीयवृत्तः । कीर्त्तिं स्मरन्सत्कवित्परार्थ-हेतौ मतिं क्वापि न यश्चकार ॥ ४९ ॥ विरुद्धवासादिह मां न कोपि वेत्तीति बिभ्यत्किल यत्प्रतापात् । दारूणि वह्निः प्रविवेश नोचे तद्धर्षणात्तत्प्रभवः कुतः स्यात् ॥ ५० ॥ कामं यदोजःसृजि वेधसोपि स्वेदोदयः कोपि स आविरासीत् । प्रसर्पता येन नदीवदंबु-राशेरपि क्षारमकारि वारि ॥ ५१ ॥ तद्वास्तु तत्तद्धनवस्तुसार-प्राग्भारवीक्षास्तुतधातृसर्गं । स्वर्गश्रियं जित्वरकांनिकांत-मतिष्ठिपत् योऽजयमेरुदुर्गं ॥ ५२ ॥ अदीपि तस्माज्जयराजभूपू स्त्रैलोक्यविख्यातयशःस्वरूप । यत्कीर्त्तिचंद्रैर्मुखमंडलानि दिकामिनीनां सुरभीवभूवुः ॥ ५३ ॥ यशो विताने स्फुरिते यदीये व्यक्तो यदाऽलक्ष्षि न शीतराश्मिः । तदादिशंके विधिना व्यधायि तदीयबिंबांतरयं कलंकः ॥ ५४ ॥ यस्मिन्महीं शासति राजमार्ग-प्रोलंघनं तुंगसुरालयेषु । *निख्रिंशताऽस्त्रेषु मदो द्विंपेषु करग्रहोऽभूत् करपीडनेषु ॥ ५५ ॥ जगत्प्रदीपे किमु यत्प्रतापे पतंगवद्व्यान्निपपात भास्वान् । पतंग इत्येतदमुष्य नामा ऽन्यथा कवींद्राः कथ मामनंति ॥ ५६ ॥ सत्यं किलैकोदरजोपि चैक-नक्षत्रजातोपि सदृग्भवेन्न । अप्येकतोसेः सममस्य जात मुष्णं यदोजः शिशिरं यशस्तु ॥ ५७ ॥ सामंतसिंहो नृपतिस्ततोऽभूत् मत्तारिदंताबलवारसिंहः । यस्य प्रतापैर्नपतोश्चक्रं बभूव भूषैव कृपाणदंडः ॥ ५८ ॥ *अहो अहोरात्रमहोदयश्री र्यशःशशी यस्य नवो बभासे । *नान्यायसिंहीसुतलब्धभीति र्नामित्रधाराधरलब्धकांतिः ॥ ५९ ॥ (३ष्ट! महीभृतां मूर्धसु यत्प्रतापो भास्वान्नवो भात्किल यः प्रसर्पन् । तताप शत्रून् विधुतातपत्रां स्यक्तातपत्रात्र पुनः कदाचित् ॥ ६० ॥ पिस्पर्धिषू एष ममैदूहीनौ पातीति कोपादिव यस्य कीर्त्तिः । जटास्वटत् स्वस्तटिनी छलेना-हरोह मौलिं हिमराश्मिमौलेः ॥ ६१ ॥